Suchergebnisse

Contents: Steiner, Helmut: Vorwort. - Tamas, Pal: Introduction to three national reports: Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic. - Federowicz, Michail/Jasiecki, Krzysztof/Wesolowski, Wlodzimierz: The Business Elites of Poland. - Tamas, Pal: The Hungarian Business Elite: Behaviour, Business Culture, Values. - Tucek, Milan/Machonin, Pavel/Gatnar, Lumir/Konvicka, Libor/Simonek, Pavel: The Transformation of Economic Elites in the Czech Republic. - Steiner, Helmut: Privatisation and the Emergence of the New Business Elites in Russia. - Krasnodebski, Zdzislav/Garstecki, Stefan/Schulz, Justyna: Polish Managers in Germany on the Polish and German market and Polish-German Business Relations. - Tamas, Pal: Neo-Etatismus und die Abschlussphase der politischen Wende. (HoF/text adopted)

The early 1990s saw the formation of a new group of Russian property owners, often derivative of the late Soviet nomenklatura. The richest & most influential were known as oligarchs, & they established a dominant position in the later years of the Yeltsin presidency. Only 15% of the 1993 business elite still retained their position by 2001, after the 1998 devaluation of the currency. Those who took their place were younger, less metropolitan, better educated & more likely to have a background in government, including many who had enjoyed ministerial status. The new business elite is less personally ambitious, but its political influence is no less considerable & its representation in decision-making bodies has more than doubled over the post-communist period. The logic of development is towards a concentration of economic power in the hands of 20-25 large conglomerates in a politically subordinate association with government, along South Korean lines. Tables, References. [Copyright 2005 The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

The early 1990s saw the formation of a new group of Russian property owners, often derivative of the late Soviet nomenklatura. The richest and most influential were known as oligarchs, and they established a dominant position in the later years of the Yeltsin presidency. Only 15% of the 1993 business elite still retained their position by 2001, after the 1998 devaluation of the currency. Those who took their place were younger, less metropolitan, better educated and more likely to have a background in government, including many who had enjoyed ministerial status. The new business elite is less personally ambitious, but its political influence is no less considerable and its representation in decision-making bodies has more than doubled over the post-communist period. The logic of development is towards a concentration of economic power in the hands of 20e25 large conglomerates in a politically subordinate association with government, along South Korean lines.

In many respects, Hamburg and Berlin represent two societal models at work in Wilhelmian Germany. Hamburg and the other Hanseatic cities, Lübeck and Bremen, have traditionally been thought to represent bourgeois society as it might have been in Germany as a whole: self-assured, liberal, and antiaristocratic. Historians are generally in agreement with Richard J. Evans in his assertion that "neither the economic activity nor the social world nor finally the political beliefs and actions of the Hamburg merchants corresponded to anything that has ever been defined, however remotely, as 'feudal.'" Berlin, on the other hand, was dominated by the imperial court and the aristocracy, which, it is said, seduced and fatally weakened not only the business elite of the capital, but in fact the most influential segment of the German bourgeoisie as a whole.

Little is known about the links between the business sector and civil society in Norway. To address the lack of knowledge, this study focused on members of the business elite who are elected representatives in voluntary organizations. Information about these representatives was obtained from a national survey of Norwegian elites and used to examine to what extent voluntary organizations are integrated into the business community's network of institutions and organizations outside the corporate world. The analyses demonstrate that voluntary organizations are well placed within this network. Moreover, business leaders who are elected representatives are well-connected. Several of them serve on state boards and have frequent contact with politicians and state administrators. Business leaders who have experienced pronounced social mobility seem to be more attracted to being involved in the governance of voluntary organizations than their colleagues with a more privileged background.

The Dictionary of American Biography contains 1,464 biographies of eminent American businessmen. Among them are most of the wellknown financial and business figures, as well as many others never widely known or else long forgotten. The announced criterion for inclusion in the D.A.B. is that the person "did something notable in some field of American life." Over 100 "consulting specialists" handled the various lists of candidates for inclusion; these specialists included economic and business historians.