Suchergebnisse

Consistent choice in an inconsistent world requires processes for both rational calculation & effective control. The budgetary process incorporates both of these functions. However, students of public sector budgeting tend either to ignore budget execution or to view the time expended by budgeteers on the execution of budgets -- as opposed to their construction -- as a gross misallocation of resources, seriously undervaluing the control function & the budgeteer's role in preventing control loss. At the same time, budgeteers frequently misuse the controls at their disposal. In certain cases (ie, where competitive supply of a public service is justified & in effect) expenditure controls are redundant & serve no real purpose. Budget execution is primarily concerned with two kinds of expenditure controls, allotment controls & fund reports, & is supported by position controls. The immediate purpose of these controls is to insure that purchases are limited to the amounts & purposes specified in the budget act. However, given the typical relationship between the budget agency & the operating bureau, their ultimate function is to prevent the bureau from distorting or concealing cost & production information to increase its bargaining power, & thereby to permit the budget office to ensure that the preferences of the state are at least approximately met. Performance standards & control rules also serve to avoid inconsistency between the budgeteer & the bureau, & to stabilize expectations about the ground rules for bargaining & the likely outcomes of the bargaining process so as to reduce the costs of uncertainty to both sides. 3 Figures, 30 References. HA.

THE AUTHOR PRESENTS AN ANALYSIS OF THE WORLD OF OIL SINCE WORLD WAR II IN ANSWERING THE QUESTION: WHO CONTROLS THE WORLD OF OIL? HIS CENTRAL THESIS IS THAT NOBODY DOES, ANYMORE: THE RESULT OF 2 REVOLUTIONS IN THE WORLD OIL MARKET HAS BEEN AN ACCELERATING PROCESS OF DISINTEGRATION TO A STATE OF NEAR ANARCHY. HE PRESENTS ALTERNATIVES TO OIL MARKET DYNAMICS AND VOLATILE MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES COMMUNITY MEDIATION WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF BROADER MEASURES OF SOCIAL RESTRUCTURING, THE SEEMING REPLACEMENT OF THE INSTITUTIONAL STATE WITH THE INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNITY.

A PREVIOUS CONTRIBUTOR, WRITING IN THE SPRING OF 1980, APPLAUDED THE OPTIMISM IN POST-AMIN UGANDA, BUT CONCLUDED BY EXPRESSING THE BELIEF THAT: 'THE BAGANDA...FEARED THE RETURN OF INSTABILITY, OF SECRET GOVERNMENT, AND OF DR OBOTE, WHOSE NAME WAS ANATHEMA.'4 SADLY, SINCE THAT TIME, THE FEARS OF THE BAGANDA HAVE BEEN REALISED. THE UPC GOVERNMENT HAS USED THE NILOTIC-DOMINATED UGANDAN ARMY (THE UNLA) TO IMPOSE ITS WILL ON THOSE OF THE UGANDAN POPULATION WHO REJECT THEIR REGIME. IN THE PROCESS, MANY THOUSANDS OF UGANDANS HAVE LOST THEIR LIVES. THIS ARTICLE WILL ATTEMPT TO PROVIDE A BACKGROUND TO THE 1980 ELECTIONS THAT RETURNED UPC TO POWER; A SUMMARY OF THE ATTEMPTS BY THE ARMY TO SUPRESS OPPOSITION; AN ANALYSIS OF THE GUERRILLA GROUPS AND THE UNLA; A BRIEF APPRAISAL OF THE SUCCESSES AND FAILURES OF THE PRESENT LEADERSHIP.

IN RECENT YEARS PEOPLE HAVE REVISED THEIR ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT THE ADMINISTRATIVE STATE. THE CHALLENGE TO PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IS TO DEMONSTRATE CONCLUSIVELY WHETHER BIG GOVERNMENT CAN BE CONTROLLED, WHICH CONTROLS ARE MOST EFFECTIVE, AND WHAT NEW CONTROLS MIGHT BE NEEDED. THE CHALLENGE IS ALSO TO ELIMINATE THE GULAGS, MINIMIZE UNNECESSARY INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND CREATE TRUST OF OFFICIALS

THIS PAPER EXAMINES HOW SOCIALIST COUNTRIES HAVE GOT INTO TROUBLE BY EXERCISING NEW IDEOLOGICAL OPTIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT CREATED BY SCIENCE, WHICH NONETHELESS EMANATED FROM THE OLD OPPRESSORS. NEW GOVERNMENTS ACCEPT THE MYSTIFIED WORLD OF A NECESSARILY TECHNICAL PROGRESS. THE COST OF THIS ATTUDE HAS BEEN ENORMOUS, BOTH IN MONETARY TERMS AND IN TERMS OF THE CAPACITY FOR SELF-RELIANCE. TWO EXAMPLES ARE GIVEN TO ILLUSTRATE TECHNOLOGICAL MYSTIFICATION AND THE FALLACY OF TECHNICAL SOLUTIONS AS SUBSTITUTES FOR POPULAR INVOLVEMENT AND CONTROL. EXAMPLES OF ANGOLA AND GUINEA ARE PROVIDED.

SRI LANKA HAS BEEN BURDENED WITH NEARLY A DECADE OF CIVIL WAR. THIS CONFLICT HAS BEEN ENGENDERED LARGELY BECAUSE, FOR OVER 50 YEARS, THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF BOTH THE MAJORITY SINHALESE AND MINORITY CEYLON TAMILS HAVE NOT BEEN ABLE TO WORK OUT AN APPROPRIATE MODEL FOR THE SHARING OF POLITICAL POWER. IN THE ARTICLE, THE AUTHOR MAKES A FEW OBSERVATIONS A POST-INDEPENDENCE ATTEMPTS TO COME TO GRIPS WITH THE COMMUNAL OR "NATIONAL QUESTION", PARTICULARLY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF DEVOLUTION OF POWER.