Suchergebnisse

The European Security and Defence Policy/The Common Security and Defense Policy are an integral part of the European Security and Defence Policy. For the European Union to properly assume full responsibility for crisismanagement, the European Council (Nice, December 2000) has decided to establish permanent political and military structures. These structures are: the Political and Security Committee, the Military Committee and the EU MilitaryStaff. Also, there were established agencies with specific scientific tasks. Keywords: The European Security and Defence Policy; The Common Security and Defense Policy; the Political and Security Committee; the Military Committee and the EU Military Staff.

AbstractDespite equality being considered one of the key normative foundations of the EU, gender has not yet been mainstreamed within the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This article investigates the impact of institutional structures on the inclusion of a gender dimension in this policy area. The article engages with the concept of feminist triangles to unpack the role of actors and processes; specifically, highlighting key innovations and missed opportunities to integrate gender into CSDP. Focusing in particular on femocrats, the article argues that for gender mainstreaming to take place, the office of the Gender Advisor needs to bridge the division between the military and civilian dimension of CSDP. It concludes that CSDP remains largely gender blind in spite of the EU's adoption of an action plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, European integration progressed rapidly. Despite economic performance, the European community is far from playing a major role in security and defense. The catalyst for a European defense policy is the war in Yugoslavia, which shows that Europeans are dependent on Americans. Thus, the EU has the CSDP and has conducted many military and civilian operations. Yet a new wave of academic studies, launched by proponents of American neorealism, argues that the EU is engaged in an attempt to "balance" the US by exploiting the CSDP. By studying European history in terms of security, we find that the balancing theory can not be justified.

This article negotiates whether Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) can replace North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO) military capabilities. It examines the following two cases: (1) Whether European integration can spell the end for NATO and (2) Whether NATO will continue to prevail over the EU's CSDP. To get there the article goes through issues such as the transatlantic gaps and differences, EU's efforts for more autonomy in military actions, and problems that arise within the EU and the US. At the same time it examines the reasons behind NATO's success up until now. The author's conclusion is that the EU at the moment cannot afford to go solo and thus will have to rely on NATO for any future military actions.

It is now more urgent than ever that the EU delivers as a security provider in an increasingly complex and insecure environment. This report assesses to what extent the provisions that were introduced with the Lisbon Treaty could contribute to spearheading the CSDP. This includes Articles 42.6 and 46 on Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), Article 44 on groups of states taking the lead on operations, as well as Article 42.7 on mutual assistance – the latter having recently been invoked by France. The articles can be instrumental in circumventing some of the CSDP's bottlenecks by offering more political and operational flexibility; increase the potential for attaining more relevant capabilities and a broadening of the CSDP's purpose to fit today's security challenges. Although all member states share the assessment that a more credible role for the EU in security and defence requires more cooperation, not all of them are willing to act on it. Therefore, flexible formats of groups of countries that choose to work together more closely or on a faster time scale are inescapable.

This article aims at exploring the unwillingness of the EU member states to sponsor a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) joint action within the EU framework as a response to the violence against civilians which erupted in Libya in 2011. It investigates the attitudes of Britain, France, Germany and Italy, as representative of the EU/27, toward the developments in Libya and a possible CSDP's crisis-management operation. It discusses the assumption that the CSDP was prey to the member states' wishes. The article avails itself of official documents from the UNSC, the European Union, EU laws, EU officials and prime ministers' speeches, together with several interviews.