Suchergebnisse

The analysis of subjective SC is extended to include various dimensions of SC consciousness. SC identification, perceptions of SC boundaries, evaluations of fairness, & attitudes toward egalitarian policies are included in a model to estimate the effects of objective status on SC consciousness. ata from the 1984 National Opinion Research Center General Social Survey are used to show that most of the effects of objective status operate directly on attitudes toward social policy. Higher status individuals are more opposed to egalitarian policy. Results suggest support for policies arises out of self-interest rather than a solidified sense of SC consciousness. 2 Tables, 17 References. HA

Plusieurs hypotheses existent, qui tentent d'expliquer la faiblesse du vote de classe au Canada. Je tente ici de reformuler certaines de ces hypothPses, i partir de leurs postulats i1'6gard de la conscience de classe et de la formation de classe. Deux types d'explications sont identifies: celles, d'abord, qui soutiennent que le bas niveau de conscience de classe au Canada est la cause de I'absence de formation de classe; et celles pour qui l'inverse est vrai. Toutes les hypotheses considerees trouvent des donnees qui les supportent dans la ricente Etude electorale nationale. I1 est actuellement impossible de choisir entre elles, alors que les donnees disponibles ont une valeur limitee et que des problemes de niveaux d'analyse restent i resoudre. On devrait considerer les deux modes d'explication comme interactifs, et aussi vraisemblables l'un que l'autre.Many hypotheses have been advanced to explain the low levels of class voting in Canada. This article reformulates a number of these in terms of their assumptions about class consciousness and class formation. Explanations are divided into those which hold the society's low level of class consciousness responsible for the lack of class formation, and those which propose the reverse. Evidence from recent National Elections Study data contains support for all of the hypotheses, and it is concluded that choosing between them is currently impossible because of data limitations and level‐of‐analysis problems. The two lines of argument should be regarded as interactive and equally plausible.

The analysis of subjective class is extended. Class identification, perceptions of class boundaries, evaluations of fairness, and attitudes toward egalitarian policies are included in a model to estimate the effects of objective status on class consciousness. Data from the 1984 NORC General Social Survey are used to show that most of the effects of objective status operate directly on attitudes toward social policy. Results suggest support for policies arises out of selfinterest rather than a solidified sense of class consciousness. (Abstract amended)

A partir d'un échantillon aléatoire de la population de London, Ontario, nous examinons l'étendue de la conscience de classe et la relation de cet état d'esprit avec les variables religion, ethnicité et classe sociale. Le degré de conscience de classe ouvrière observe est plus prononcé qu'on le dit habituellement dans le cas du Canada. Des analyses à deux et à plusieurs variables révèlent que la classe sociale a un effet plus prononcé sur la conscience de classe que la religion et I'ethnicité. Les travailleurs manuels sont beaucoup plus portés que les employés non‐manuels à exprimer des attitudes sociopolitiques révélant une conscience de classe ouvrière; c'est au niveau des cadres de grandes entreprises que l'on rencontre le plus la conscience l'appartenir à la classe moyenne.Among a randomly drawn sample of London, Ontario, residents we examined the prevalence of class consciousness and the relationship of this state of mind to religious, ethnic, and class variables. The degree of working‐class consciousness expressed by the sample was greater than that usually alleged to exist in Canada. Bivariate and multivariate analyses revealed that social class had a far stronger impact on class consciousness than had religious and ethnic factors. Manual workers to a far greater extent than non‐manual employees expressed sociopolitical attitudes indicative of working‐class consciousness; the greatest amount of middle‐class consciousness was found among upper‐echelon personnel of large organizations.