Suchergebnisse

The present article is an attempt at a meta-historical analysis of the 'Red Age' (1923 to the late 1930s) experiences in colonial-period Korea. The article focuses on contextualizing the experiences of colonial-age Korea's Communist movement internationally and distinguishing these traits of this movement which are definable as universal. As this article argues, in the wider historical context the 'Red Age' Communist movements, the Korean one included, fought, in the end, for deeper democratization of the existing world- system on the social and cultural levels. These movements ―usually led by revolutionary intelligentsia and staffed on middle- and lower-cadre level by the cadres of working-class origins ―had the evolving Party-state in early Soviet Union as their model of the desirable future. They saw an overtake of the industrial economy by a revolutionary state as the 'transition to socialism,' hoping, on more practical levels, that revolutionary nationalizations and dirigiste economic policies would provide more space for underprivileged majority's social and cultural advancement. While the Party-state would eschew the orthodox parliamentarism, its workings were supposed to bring forth a more equitable society. Despite the gaps between the 'Red Age' Communist dreams and the realities of historical Party-states, the movement played an important role in laying the foundations for the postwar changes, in Korea and elsewhere.

It is well-known that donors give considerably more foreign aid to former colonies than to countries lacking past colonial ties. Unfortunately, we know relatively little about why this is the case. For one, there is almost never a theoretical justification for the inclusion of colonial history in statistical models. For the other, the only explicitly made rationale by Bueno de Mesquita and Smith (2009) actually predicts an interpretational problem: colonial history not only increases a former colony's saliency to the donor, but also has left deep marks on recipients' social and political institutions today. Both aspects shape how much aid a donor transfers to the recipient. This leaves ambiguous the meaning of the routinely found positive, sizable, and significant coefficient of colonial history on aid flows. We solve the inferential quandary by using a decomposition approach from labor econometrics. Our results show that about 75–100% of the colony effect on foreign aid stems from the greater saliency that donors give to policy concessions from former colonies.

This article presents a novel theoretical and empirical account of the genesis and constitution of genocide in Sudan. To do so, it brings developments in critical genocide studies, notably the colonial and international "turns" and renewed attention to the scholarship of Lemkin, into dialogue with theoretical arguments about processual ontologies, complexity theory, and assemblage thinking. The latter provide a conceptual vocabulary to rethink the kind of ontological phenomenon that genocide constitutes. Rather than a discrete outcome or temporally and geographically bounded "event," genocide in Sudan is seen as a heterogeneous, process-based, systemic entity. Challenging conventional genocide models generally and dominant narratives about Sudan specifically, the article argues that genocide in Sudan should be conceptualized as an historical internal frontier-based pattern that is constituted by three intersecting colonial forms: postcolonialism, internal colonialism, and neocolonialism. In doing so, it suggests a new way of thinking about the genocide-colonialism nexus. Tracing these three colonialisms, genocide appears not as an aberrant breakdown, violent outburst, or top-down ideological "master plan." Neither is it a single, linearly unfolding process. Rather, it is emergent from a colonial ecology, its logic and potentiality imbricated with, and incipient within, a temporally and geographically expansive web of actors, processes, structures, relations, discourses, practices, and global forces.

Introduction -- Native American age norms before 1492 -- English age norms in the Southern colonies -- English age norms in New England -- English age norms in the Middle colonies -- English and Indian age norms collide -- Age norms and slavery -- Conclusion

Eighteen. Twenty-one. Sixty-five. In America today, we recognize these numbers as key transitions in our lives—precise moments when our rights and opportunities change—when we become eligible to cast a vote, buy a drink, or enroll in Medicare. This volume brings together scholars of childhood, adulthood, and old age to explore how and why particular ages have come to define the rights and obligations of American citizens. Since the founding of the nation, Americans have relied on chronological age to determine matters as diverse as who can marry, work, be enslaved, drive a car, or qualify for a pension. Contributors to this volume explore what meanings people in the past ascribed to specific ages and whether or not earlier Americans believed the same things about particular ages as we do. The means by which Americans imposed chronological boundaries upon the variable process of growing up and growing old offers a paradigmatic example of how people construct cultural meaning and social hierarchy from embodied experience. Further, chronological age always intersects with other socially constructed categories such as gender, race, and sexuality. Ranging from the seventeenth century to the present, taking up a variety of distinct subcultures—from frontier children and antebellum slaves to twentieth-century Latinas—Age in America makes a powerful case that age has always been a key index of citizenship

British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel and Russell (1930) examines British colonial administration during the administrations of Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell. In this period, 1815-41, new ideas were adopted and colonial policy was revolutionized. British attitudes towards colonization and Australia, New Zealand and North America underwent radical changes.

Most of the research presented in this special issue questions the notion of a singular Singaporean story, and yet this narrative persists as a form of Gramscian common sense for most Singaporeans, whether young or old, and also for recent immigrants and international commentators. To understand the reasons for this persistence, I turn to American political scientist Rogers M. Smith's concept of narratives of peoplehood, and in particular his notion of ethically constitutive stories that are central to individual subject formation. The role of the colonial past in such stories of Singapore is contradictory, in that the relationship between colonialism and the nation-state is seen simultaneously in terms of rupture and continuity, and this conceals a further contradiction in terms of the relationship between individual and the collective. In exploring these contradictions, and in tracing reparative possibilities for new stories of peoplehood, I will, in conclusion, turn to recent literary narratives, and in particular recent historical speculative fiction that revisions the colonial past. (J Southeast Asian Stud/GIGA)

"'Holy Land on the brain' was how one Victorian traveller in Palestine described her contemporaries. In the last decades of the Ottoman Empire, thousands of Victorians flocked from Britain and America to see Palestine and the biblical sites which they already thought they knew. When their mental image did not precisely resemble the reality they found, many were convinced that it was the reality itself which had to be altered, an attitude which would have - and continues to have - profound implications for the Middle East. This book, the product of the author's historical research among almost forgotten travelogues, guidebooks, archives and newspaper clippings, tells the story of this fascinating period, a previously unwritten chapter in the story of Britain's pursuit of empire in the nineteenth century. Responding not only to the ever-present interest in the Middle East , the work is also in dialogue with contemporary concerns around Britain's colonial past. From the American Bible scholar who started a craze, travellers trying to overturn Jerusalem's holiest sites, to an English farm outside the city's walls, to an uprising sparked by a church bell and a contested tragedy, to one Palestinian's eventful visit to the heart of the British Empire, to the colonies founded by a bizarre eccentric, Holy Land on the Brain: Palestine and the Victorians reveals an often surprising story of Britain's growing entanglement with Palestine years before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and Britain's occupation of the region "--

The author explores the popularity of cockfighting and other forms of gambling in the Philippines, the extent of official ambivalence towards these sports, and the motives behind spanish colonial policy. He notes that the colonial government's attempts to eradicate gambling proved unrealizable in the face of a popular refusal to accept such restrictions to their daily lives. (DÜI-Sen)

First published in 1966. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.