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Abstract In the early 1920s Southeast Asia, before communism compelled the creation of inter-colonial intelligence networks in the late period of the decade, a situation that can be called the 'China problem' emerged as an issue for the colonial powers in the region. This problem refers to the political activities by local Chinese populations in response to events that were taking place in China. The colonial powers, however, could not find a common solution to this issue, but instead dealt with it individually. An explanation to this lies in the fact that, unlike in Northeast Asia where the 'Washington System' shaped international politics in the 1920s, in Southeast Asia no such official framework had been established to deal with regional issues. This article sets out to demonstrate that under Britain's 'informal empire' in Southeast Asia, the colonial powers informally started to exchange information on domestic Chinese politics in their colonies as well as the political development in China. The 'China problem' was thus a catalyst that brought to the region 'international' politics and in particular the politics of immigration control.

There have been few more remarkable events than the European colonisation and decolonisation of Africa. Often within a single lifespan countries were conquered, reorganised, settled and then granted independence. Colonial Africa (1984) examines the impact this had on the landscape of Africa. The period of colonial contact between Europe and Africa had been lengthy, beginning in the early fifteenth century; yet for much of the continent the colonial period was relatively short, from the 1880s to the 1960s. European intervention in the nineteenth century was motivated by new demands of the European economy, resulting in the conquest of virtually the entire continent. As a result various groups of colonists arrived in Africa and each tried to impose a particular imprint upon the landscape. The colonial powers each had their own styles which are most evident in the architecture bequeathed to independent Africa. This is a clear account of the way that historical attitudes have dictated the appearance and geography of modern Africa.

British colonial authorities adhered to a philosophy of racial segregation while their French counterparts subscribed to one that segregates along socioeconomic and cultural lines. This article interrogates the rationale for these two colonial philosophies and addresses the following questions: How were these philosophies given physical expression in colonial urban space? Why did the two seemingly opposing philosophies produce identical racially segregated urban space? It is argued that although the two colonial powers had different racial philosophies, they shared common cultural, psychological, political, social, and ideological objectives that were best accomplished through racially segregated space.

SummaryBoth Spanish and French colonial education included several features that restricted education. Many of them persisted long after independence. Against this background, this paper econometrically studies whether in the recent past the colonial legacy still affected schooling in the ex‐colonies of these two former colonial powers – and, for comparison, in the ex‐colonies of Britain, the third of the former big three colonial powers. Using a large sample of countries and numerous controls, it finds substantial negative effects on both secondary enrollment and average years of schooling in former French and, especially, in former Spanish colonies. The negative effects on females are particularly large. By contrast, there are no effects in former British colonies.

Following the publication of Timothie Bright's Characterie: An Art of shorte, swifte and secrete writing by Character in 1588, a spate of books on shorthand appeared in England. This technology echoed long-forgotten methods which had developed centuries before, while providing fresh techniques for composing and recording spoken speech. From their very beginnings these new systems proved especially applicable to religious purposes, though they also found academic, legal, and governmental applications. Clergy from those centuries left hundreds of "short-writing" manuscripts which are as yet untranscribed. This article describes the principles behind "short-writing" as exemplified in two major systems in use in the era under consideration: John Willis' cipher system (The Art of Stenography, 1602) and Thomas Shelton's code system (Short-Writing, the Most Exact Method, 1626). It considers some of the challenges in transcribing extant notes into English, and pays special attention to two previously unreadable coded systems the author has solved: the 18th century MSS of the Rev. Adonijah Bidwell of Monterey, MA (1716-1784), and the 17th century idiosyncratic notes of a lay notetaker, John Pynchon of Springfield, MA (1625?-1703).

Chatham's Colonial Policy (1917) examines Britain's colonial plans and ambition in the mid-eighteenth century, under the leadership of the Earl of Chatham - William Pitt the Elder. It analyses his policies for British control around the world, most notably in the West Indies, North America, Africa and India, and how these policies brought Britain into conflict with Europe's two main colonial powers, Spain and France.

Organized international intervention in colonial affairs has never found favor in the eyes of the European colonial powers. It did not at San Francisco when they sought to restrict the United Nations role in non-self-governing territories. It was not well received when the Security Council dealt with Indonesia nor were its results favored when the General Assembly disposed of the Italian empire. It does not please them, now, when the focus of public attention is on the political, economic, and social development of the colonies.

This paper covers two phases of the history of science, technology and institutional co-operation in Africa - pre-colonial and colonial. It is structured into three sections. Section one looks at pre-colonial science and technology (S&T) and points out that most discussions on the socioeconomic analysis of S&T in Africa often neglect the pre-colonial phase, even though indigenous knowledge is important. Section two deals with the colonial phase in which the S&T activities of the British, French and other colonial powers are discussed. The third section looks at the establishment of inter-territorial co-operation in S&T activities during the colonial era and the eventual breakdown of effective S&T cooperation among the newly independent countries in Africa.

The 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India gives us an oppor­tunity to assess the impact of colonialism on the life of our people. Colonialism is a multi-dimensional phenomenon.1 It is first of all a political reality: the conquest of and rule over alien peoples and their territories. Its origi­nal purpose may have been the protection of the lucrative trade of the colonial powers. Gradually it developed into a large-scale economic exploitation of the colonized lands. It also began to exert considerable influence on the socio-cultural life of the colonized peoples. A paternalistic effort to "improve" the life of the people also became part of the programme of the colonial masters. There was, of course, a difference of opinion as to the kind of "improvement" the colonized people needed.

The contrast between brave American words in support of colonial aspirations and United States military aid in support of colonial powers putting down native insurrection is painfully sharp. Checking the spread of Soviet imperialism and liquidating the remnants of old-style European imperialism are objectives which seem to stand in the way of each other. Military security can apparently be purchased only at the price of popular hostility in the colonial world. And friendship may prove unpurchasable at any price.Foreign policy making always involves a reconciliation of not wholly compatible goals, but the dilemma which United States colonial policy poses in Asia is peculiarly distasteful. What we face there today we might tomorrow face in Africa or the Pacific islands. Some action has to be improvised in the Far East at once. But this crisis also requires the United States to remove the conditions which will present similar predicaments elsewhere in the future.