The Fate of Ethnic Democracy in Post-Communist Europe
In: Democratization, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 181-182
ISSN: 1351-0347
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In: Democratization, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 181-182
ISSN: 1351-0347
In: Israel affairs, Band 5, Heft 2-3: Israel: the dynamics of change and continuity, S. 169-182
ISSN: 1353-7121
Als demokratischer Staat hat Israel den Bedürfnissen aller seiner Bürger (Juden und Araber) zu dienen, als Staat des jüdischen Volkes hat es partikularistische Ziele zu verfolgen. Dieses Dilemma und seine Lösungsperspektiven werden international vergleichend im Kontext zweier theoretischer Demokratiekonzepte untersucht: Konkordanz- oder Konsensusdemokratie (A. Lijphart) und ethnische Demokratie in der Definition von Sammy Smooha (System, das eine genuine Demokratie für alle mit institutionalisierter Dominanz einer der konstituierenden Nationen kombiniert). (DÜI-Hns)
World Affairs Online
In: Israel affairs, Band 5, Heft 2-3, S. 169-182
ISSN: 1743-9086
The author makes an attempt to analyze the essence of the model of "ethnic democracy" in the context of ethnopolitical knowledge. It covers its main characteristics, the experience of implementation in specific systems, and demonstrates the contradictory nature of the concept of "ethnic democracy". In general, democracy is perhaps the only way to reconcile the conflict of interests of various social groups. However, the formation and development of democratic institutions requires some time and considerable effort. The democratic character of the national state is determined by the possibilities of national revival and the free development of all ethno-cultural groups, protection of their interests.
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In: The journal of Israeli history: politics, society, culture, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 37-54
ISSN: 1744-0548
In: Israel Studies Review, Band 20, Heft 1
ISSN: 2159-0389
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 393-411
ISSN: 1469-8129
AbstractThe status of India as the world's largest democracy is often lauded, but the re‐election of the overtly Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019 has increased concerns about the threat to India's multinational democracy and the rule of law. India is not the only democracy facing challenges related to majoritarian nationalism; there has been a worldwide rise in the language of majority 'rights' in democratic systems. The importance of analysing the extent to which the rights of majorities are being increasingly institutionalized within democratic systems has therefore increased. It is vitally important to identify whether tendencies toward ethnic democracy are increasing (and the conditions under which they do so). There may well be red flags that emerge in democratic systems, heralding the potential direction of travel. This article proposes a methodology to identify degrees of ethnic democracy using a combination of formal and informal measures and illustrates it by assessing India through an examination of anti‐Muslim policies and rhetoric.
Introduction: The three ages of India's democracy -- The Hindu nationalist power quest : Hindutva and populism -- Hindu nationalism : a different idea of India -- Modi in Gujarat, the making of a national-populist hero -- Modi's rise to power or how to exploit hope, fear, and anger -- What fight against poverty? -- The world's largest de facto ethnic democracy -- Hindu majoritarianism against secularism -- Targeting minorities -- A de facto Hindu rashtra : Indian-style vigilantism -- The Indian version of comptetitive authoritarianism -- Deinstitutionalizing India -- Towards "electoral authoritarianism" : the 2019 elections -- The making of an authoritarian Hindu state -- Indian Muslims : from social marginalization to institutional exclusion and judicial obliteration.
World Affairs Online
Soon to become Israel's longest serving Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu's fourth government is regarded as the most right-wing coalition in Israeli history. While populism is on the rise worldwide, Netanyahu has been in power intermittently since the 90's – utilising a particular kind of populism articulated by Dani Filc (2009) - post-populism - to remain in power. Examining Israel's special and delicate political status as an ethnic-democracy, this chapter concludes that the current government is promoting rhetoric and policy which entail the risk of defying the balance between Israel's Jewish-ethnic character, its obligation to Democratic values and the integrity of its ethnic and political minorities. In election campaigns and attempts to secure political capital, as well as in everyday legislation, the current government has directly and indirectly targeted minorities, left-wing opposition and civil rights group. Exclusionary nationalistic rhetoric, a tool vastly used by right wing populists worldwide in the US, France, the UK and others, has become a common commodity in the Israeli right's toolbox. With the balance still preserved, Israel's democracy is facing grave challenges ahead – and as Israel's president Rubi Rivlin said, the Israeli society must ensure it reaches these challenges prepared.
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Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Map of India -- Introduction: The Three Ages of India's Democracy -- PART I. The Hindu Nationalist Power Quest: HINDUTVA AND POPULISM -- Introduction -- 1 Hindu Nationalism: A Different Idea of India -- 2 Modi in Gujarat: The Making of a National-Populist Hero -- 3 Modi's Rise to Power, or How to Exploit Hope, Fear, and Anger -- 4 Welfare or Well-Being? -- Conclusion to Part I -- PART II. The World's Largest De Facto Ethnic Democracy -- Introduction -- 5 Hindu Majoritarianism against Secularism -- 6 Targeting Minorities -- 7 A De Facto Hindu Rashtra: Indian-Style Vigilantism -- Conclusion to Part II -- PART III The Indian Version of Competitive Authoritarianism -- Introduction -- 8 Deinstitutionalizing India -- 9 Toward "Electoral Authoritarianism": The 2019 Elections -- 10 The Making of an Authoritarian Vigilante State -- 11 Indian Muslims: From Social Marginalization to Institutional Exclusion and Judicial Obliteration -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Select Bibliography -- Index
In: New political science: official journal of the New Political Science Caucus with APSA, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 411-431
ISSN: 1469-9931
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 199-216
ISSN: 0090-5992
Russian-speaking residents of Estonia & Latvia were not granted automatic rights under the 1992 & 1994 citizenship laws, & as such, somewhat resemble ethnic democracies. During the citizenship debate, competing conceptions of homeland/foreigners (civic territorial vs ethnic primordialist) played a role in nationalist political discourse. Despite the exclusion of 33% of their population from citizenship, there has been minimal ethnic tension in comparison to other post-Soviet states. The ethnic democracy model partly accounts for this, but political opportunity & resource constraints also operate. These are explored in the case of the settler community of Narva in northeast Estonia, where collective action against exclusion flourishes. M. Pflum
In: International affairs, Band 99, Heft 1, S. 406-408
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Citizenship studies, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 89-105
ISSN: 1469-3593
This paper aims to demystify the multi-ethnic model of the democratic form of government, which has been strongly promoted in the international political discourse toward Third World countries. In political science, this concept is actually so controversial and paradoxical, that its (pseudo) scientific use can be interpreted only as an instrument of geopolitical strategies. The author renames it "multi/ethnic democracy" to reveal that its ethnocratic and destabilizing potential overpowers its cooperative intentions. Recent empirical studies have proven the unreliability of this model, but the case study of the Republic of Macedonia has not been included yet. The combined qualitative and quantitative research in this paper shows that in the last 17 years (2001-2018) this inconsistent cross between ethnocracy and democracy in the Republic of Macedonia resulted in a series of conflicting social, political, religious, and cultural circumstances. Instead of improving the civil (trans-ethnical) concept of the state, the ethnic concept grew stronger. In a short time and with hasty constitutional revisions the former stable national and civil structure was transformed into an entropic structure full of divisions and tensions on ethnic grounds and of fragmentations and isolations on territorial, institutional, linguistic, and cultural grounds, while the existence of the Macedonian ethnos, nation, and state was brought into question.
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