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The plans for Economic and Monetary Union in Europe became difficult to achieve during the period 1992-1993. The convergence criteria set up in the Maastricht Treaty block the road towards unification. It is very complex to expect twelve governments with different shades of political colour and twelve states with different economic interests to compromise in such criteria (as inflation, government borrowing, exchange rate stability and interest rates) and eventually, speak with one voice at the end of this decade. This current research provides significant modifications in The Maastricht Treaty , policy making, objectives, even changes in political behavior for better coordination to tackle any turbulence that stands on the way. These changes were unveiled and supported by outside views. The right time for transition to the monetary union depends on the rate of progress in Europe in meeting the stability requirements and in the willingness to move to a more developed political union. Monetary Union could occur late in 1990s but with a number of members left out with major dominant the Germany than the EMS.

In the late 1980s regional integration emerged as one of the most important developments in world politics. It is not a new phenomenon, however, and this 1999 book presents an analysis of integration across time, and across regions. Walter Mattli examines projects in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe, but also in Latin America, North America and Asia since the 1950s. Using the tools of political economy, he considers why some integration schemes have succeeded while many others have failed; what forces drive the process of integration; and under what circumstances outside countries seek to join. Unlike traditional political science approaches, the book stresses the importance of market forces in determining the outcome of integration; but unlike purely economic analyses, it also highlights the impact of institutional factors. The book will provide students of political science, economics, and European studies with a framework for the study of international cooperation

Cover -- Vorwort -- 1. Die Bilanz -- Die Bilanz der Europäischen Integration 2017 -- Die Europapolitik in der wissenschaftlichen Debatte -- Brexit -- 60 Jahre Römische Verträge -- 2. Die Institutionen der Europäischen Union -- Die institutionelle Architektur der Europäischen Union -- Europäisches Parlament -- Europäischer Rat -- Rat der Europäischen Union -- Europäische Kommission -- Gerichtshof -- Europäische Zentralbank -- Rechnungshof -- Ausschuss der Regionen -- Europäischer Wirtschafts- und Sozialausschuss -- Europäische Agenturen -- Europäische Investitionsbank -- 3. Die politische Infrastruktur -- Nationale Parlamente -- Europäische Parteien -- Europa und die Kommunen -- Europäische Bürgerinitiativen -- Lobbyismus in der partizipativen Demokratie -- Öffentliche Meinung -- Kirchen und Religionsgemeinschaften -- 4. Die Innenpolitik der Europäischen Union -- Agrar- und Fischereipolitik -- Asyl-, Einwanderungs- und Visapolitik -- Beschäftigungs- und Sozialpolitik -- Bildungspolitik -- Binnenmarkt -- Digitale Agenda und Cybersicherheit -- Energiepolitik -- Forschungs-, Technologie- und Telekommunikationspolitik -- Gesundheits- und Verbraucherpolitik -- Haushaltspolitik -- Industriepolitik -- Kulturpolitik -- Menschenrechtspolitik -- Polizeiliche und justizielle Zusammenarbeit -- Regionalpolitik -- Sportpolitik -- Tourismuspolitik -- Umwelt-, Klima- und Meerespolitik -- Verkehrspolitik -- Währungspolitik -- Weltraumpolitik -- Wettbewerbspolitik -- Wirtschaftspolitik -- 5. Die Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union -- Außenwirtschaftsbeziehungen -- Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik -- Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik -- Afrikapolitik -- Asienpolitik -- Die Europäische Union und China -- Lateinamerikapolitik -- Nahostpolitik -- Die Europäische Union und die USA -- Zentralasienpolitik

The literature on the growth effects of European integration remains inconclusive. This is due to severe methodological difficulties mostly driven by country heterogeneity. This paper addresses these concerns using the synthetic control method. It constructs counterfactuals for countries that joined the European Union (EU) from 1973 to 2004. We find that growth effects from EU membership are large and positive, with Greece as the exception. Despite substantial variation across countries and over time, we estimate that without European integration, per capita incomes would have been, on average, approximately 10% lower in the first ten years after joining the EU.

The literature on the growth effects of European integration remains inconclusive. This is due to severe methodological difficulties mostly driven by country heterogeneity. This paper addresses these concerns using the synthetic control method. It constructs counterfactuals for countries that joined the European Union (EU) from 1973 to 2004. We find that growth effects from EU membership are large and positive, with Greece as the exception. Despite substantial variation across countries and over time, we estimate that without European integration, per capita incomes would have been, on average, approximately 10% lower in the first ten years after joining the EU.

The enlargement of the European Union generates socio-economic costs and benefits for the citizens of new members and as such it is bound to affect their perceived legitimacy of the whole enterprise. The legitimacy of EU accession is likely to be enhanced by the inclusion of compensatory transfers and transition periods in the terms of accession, by the perception that EU membership represents the most favorable terms of exchange available and by the linking of accession to a sustained period of economic growth, a favorable movement in prices, improving relative incomes and the consolidation of a level playing field across new members

Assesses the state of economic and political integration of Europe at the present time, as it stands at this crucial moment when the European Community member nations are in the process of finally relinquishing their sovereignty over large areas of economic and social activity by making future Community resolutions binding upon all member states on the basis of qualified majority decisions. (GAW)