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THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF COMMUNISM CAME FIRST IN THE EAST. COMMUNIST REFUGEES FROM SOVIET REPRESSION, AND THE RECOGNITION OF THE DIFFERENCES IN EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN CULTURES, HAVE AFFECTED WESTERN COMMUNIST PARTIES. SUCH DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE WEST HAS ADVANCED MOST IN COUNTRIES WHERE THE COMMUNISTS HAVE SOMETHING TO GAIN ELECTORALLY.

Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on 'sharing' or 'communion', provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as 'integration' or 'co-operation'. The concept of 'European communion' is defined as the 'subjective sharing of relationships', understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object -- the EU as a constellation of communities; as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing 'European communion'. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author explores how the question of Europe has been established on the domestic scene. The article focuses on referenda on EU-related issues held in three EU member states, ranging from Ireland in 2001, to Sweden in 2003, and finally France in 2005. In all three cases, the national populations voted against the will of a majority of their representatives, and chose not to follow the defined EU agenda towards greater integration. The study includes analyses of the national news reporting in the three cases as well as responses from Brussels. The author infers that the three No-votes, in the perspective of the political elites, were interpreted as incentives to further the integration process, spelling out a message of that Europeans want Europe, even if some people (i.e. the No-voting majorities) were considered yet to learn what it means to be, act and think as Europeans in Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations and References -- European/Supra-European: Cultural Encounters in Nietzsche's Philosophy -- Times of the Multitude and the Antichrist -- Goethe, Nietzsche, Varoufakis: Why Did the Greeks Matter – and Still Do? -- Nietzsche, Liberalism, and the Future of European Democracy -- How Does One Become Greek? Nietzsche and the Rediscovery of the South -- Europa nach Nietzsche: Integration ohne Identität -- Nietzsche's Europe -- Thus Spoke Zarathustra and a Europe Yet to Come -- "What Renders Our Sores Repugnant": Reconsidering Nietzsche on Ressentiment -- Two Visions of Europe: Nietzsche and Guizot -- Nietzsches Europa. Überlegungen zu einer neuen geistigen Landschaft -- Die "freie Gesellschaft" als 'hölzernes Eisen': Gesellschaftliche Perspektiven Europas im Abschnitt 356 von Nietzsches Fröhlicher Wissenschaft -- Transgressions of the Lawgiver: Nietzsche, Culture and the 'Good European' -- Beyond Boundaries: Contesting Authorities in Nietzsche's Europe -- Good Europeanism: The Practice and Pathos of Nietzsche's Good Europeans -- Nietzsches 'übereuropäisches' Denken – biographische und kulturelle Aspekte -- Nietzsches Interkulturalität und die anthropologische Perspektive der Klassischen deutschen Philosophie -- Im 'Zeitalter der Vergleichung': Nietzsche, das Problem der Wertschätzungen und das Erbe Feuerbachs -- Europäisch, übereuropäisch – menschlich? Über Grenzüberschreitungen in Nietzsches Humanitätsverständnis -- Nicht-Europäisch oder Über-Europäisch? Zur alten Frage, was Russland 'versprechen kann' -- "Unter Töchtern der Wüste". Islamische Sinnlichkeit und christliche Sexualfeindlichkeit bei Nietzsche -- Nietzsche and the Falāsifa -- Wer ist der "gute Europäer"? – Aus der Perspektive der japanischen Nietzsche-Forschungsgeschichte -- The Children of Nietzsche: Chaos, Plurality and Cosmopolitanism in Joyce and Pessoa -- Index of Subjects -- Index of Names

Early theorists of European integration speculated that economic integration would lead to political integration and a European identity. A European identity has not displaced national identities in the EU, but, for a significant share of EU citizens, a European identity exists alongside a national identity. At the same time, political parties asserting more traditional nationalist identities and policies have directed their dissatisfaction against immigrants, foreigners and, sometimes, the EU. Those who participate in 'Europe' are more likely to develop a European identity, while those whose economic and social horizons are essentially local are more likely to assert nationalist identities. It is argued in this article that the issue of European and national identity plays a heightened role in European politics, particularly in the economic crisis of 2007-11. The resolution of that crisis, which may result in increased European political co-operation, will have to take into account highly salient national identities that have so far resisted such co-operation. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractWhat do we know about the relationship between Europe, the European Union and European identity? While national identity is a multifaceted phenomenon, European identity has been linked to the growth of the European Union. This article attempts to analyze some of the attributes of individuals with European identity in central and eastern Europe prior to EU accession by applying existing hypotheses on correlates of European identity. The phenomenon of identification with Europe prior to EU accession provides a window into understanding the identity mechanisms that inform the concept of European identity. The first Eurobarometer surveys measuring European identification in central and eastern accession states reported a puzzling finding: that more people, not less, identified with Europe than in existing EU states. An analysis of the Eurobarometer results provides counter‐intuitive comparisons and contrasts between eastern and western Europe and uncovers potential mechanisms illustrating the content of contemporary European identity.

Opinión de los españoles sobre los temas de campaña y principales objetivos de la Unión Europea de cara a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo 2009 ; Spanish Opinion on campaign issues and main objectives of the European Union ahead of the elections to the European Parliament 2009

Opinión de los españoles sobre los temas de campaña y principales objetivos de la Unión Europea de cara a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo 2009 ; Spanish Public Opinion on campaign issues and main objectives of the European Union ahead of the elections to the European Parliament 2009