Suchergebnisse

Received 13.01.2021. The article discusses the main approaches to the phenomenon of science diplomacy. This paper aims to consider the possibilities of using science diplomacy not only as a tool to reduce tensions between countries, but also as a tool for foreign policy influence. Most modern Western researchers believe that the goals of science diplomacy are reduced exclusively to creating an apolitical atmosphere for solving important global problems. When we are considering science diplomacy from a realistic point of view, the concept can be outlined through national interest, pragmatic public administration, gaining influence and maintaining the balance of power. In the study, the author proves that one of the main goals of science diplomacy is to strengthen the influence of the state through the promotion of national science, as a result of which it will be easier for the interested subject of international relations to achieve its foreign policy goals. The tools of science diplomacy can be successfully used by the state to increase its international influence beyond territorial borders, open the way to gaining a greater international status, and legitimize its ambitions. The author believes that the currently existing definitions of science diplomacy do not fully disclose its content. In this regard, the paper attempts to give a new comprehensive definition of the term, taking into account aspects related to its foreign policy influence. Science diplomacy, according to the author, is a deliberate international activity of the state through controlled scientific organizations and foundations in order to strengthen interaction with other countries, provide them with information influence and promote its interests in the international arena. The article concludes that Russia should conceptualize the domestic model of "soft power" taking into account science diplomacy, as well as begin to take practical steps to research technologies of protection from a possible "soft" impact of science by other states. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation. Project no. 19-78-00047.

For those rejecting the idea of an objective "national interest," the problem of evaluating the efficacy of foreign policies begins with establishing foreign policy goals. Yet the full complexity of foreign policy goals is frequently underestimated. As a standard for evaluating foreign policy, such goals must be specified in geographical and conceptual scope, temporal range and ranking. A further methodological difficulty lies in deriving such goals from the words and deeds of national leaders. Among the problems in this area are deciding whose goals are national goals, and at what moment one should identify them. Collectively, these difficulties probably doom any truly scientific evaluation of foreign policy, but it is not certain that they render any objective judgment impossible, as some post‐modernist analysis suggests.

Politische und militärische Konflikte zwischen dem Irak und Iran seit den siebziger Jahren; Entwicklung der außenpolitischen und militärischen Interessen des Irak in den achtziger Jahren

THIS ARTICLE PRESENTS THREE INTERCONNECTED ARGUMENTS. FIRST, THE IRAQI INVASION OF IRAN DID NOT EMANATE FROM A PREMEDIATED GRAND DESIGN BUT WAS A PREEMPTIVE MOVE INTENDED TO FORESTALL THE IRANIAN THREAT TO THE EXISTENCE OF THE BOATH REGIME BY DESTROYING OPPOSING FORCES AND DENYING TERRITORY. SECOND, IRAQ DID NOT OVERESTIMATE ITS MILITARY POWER: IN 1980 IT ENJOYED AN UNDENIABLE MILITARY EDGE. THIRD, IRAQ'S MISTAKE WAS THAT IT DID NOT USE ITS ADVANTAGE DECISIVELY. IRAQ'S STRATEGY FAILED BECAUSE ITS OBJECTIVES WERE TOO LIMITED.

Since the end of World War II, the United States' interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington's longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel's sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies' interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States' economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.

Accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), among other things, can be
viewed as one of Serbia's foreign policy goals. Observed in this way, the
successful completion of the accession process will bring easier market
access to the all WTO member countries, but also fulfills one of the key
conditions in the negotiations for Serbia's accession to the European Union
(Chapter 30). Serbia is an import-dependent country and therefore has a high
foreign trade deficit. Our country trades mostly with those countries with
which has been signed some kind of trade agreement (EU, CEFTA, Russia,
Turkey). That indicates that its entry into the WTO would be beneficial and
would facilitate the establishment of trade flows with new partners.
Accession would also be useful for an export-oriented model of economic
growth. The World Trade Organization is the only global international
organization dealing with trade rules between countries. The WTO is the
result of multiannual international negotiations aimed at liberalizing
international trade. Multilateral negotiations under the WTO umbrella offer
the potential to maintain long-term growth, stimulate trade and investment
and sustainable economic development. Serbia with its capacities, as a small
country, is not in a position to independently create, develop and maintain
economic relations with many countries in the world. Therefore, the WTO
membership will enable domestic companies and businessmen to export under
much more favorable conditions to countries with which Serbia has not yet
concluded trade agreements. Serbia started accession to the WTO in 2005 but
has not yet completed this process. Taking into account the results of
Serbia so far in this process, as well as defining the remaining open issues
and problems, we point to the many obstacles our country has encountered,
but also on the ways in which the goal can be successfully achieved.

Beyond the immediate goal of filling a labor market "gap", temporary labor migration schemes can be seen to serve a multiplicity of policy goals, including development, foreign policy, public diplomacy and trade objectives. The paper examines state motivations, policy design and goals across three temporary worker programs in New Zealand – the Recognised Seasonal Employer (RSE) scheme for workers from Pacific states, the working holiday maker program, and inclusion of temporary migration in free trade agreements. New Zealand represents a relatively non-exploitative environment for temporary migrants, in part due to an underlying expectation that many temporary workers are "permanent residents in waiting". However, it is argued that proliferation of micro guest worker programs may risk producing conflicting policy consequences, which could in turn be damaging to the goals and success of individual temporary worker programs, notably in the case of the RSE scheme.

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource' application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.