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These document contains three parts: the first part focuses on the lessons that have been learnt from the 2007-2009 crisis and how economic authorities handled the shock suffered in most variables. The conclusion is that Government intervention through fiscal policy is the only way to offset the weakness of households and firms. Monetary policy on the other hand can help, but it has limits in its ability to become a real source of economic growth. The second part makes a short review on current economic affairs including a discussion on whether the crisis has ended. Krugman accepts that the crisis is over, but he believes that we are still far from an economic expansion. Finally, the article analyzes the economic situation of Latin America and Colombia in particular. It points out that this crisis did not start in our countries and it did not happen because of bad economic policies as it used to happen in previous crisis in emerging economies. The crisis had an impact on these countries because of its effects on trade, commodities and capital flows due to the lower economic activity in developed countries. However we have evidence of strength in developing countries.

The latest data covering global arms sales shows that sale of arms in 2010 decreased to around $40.4 billion, 76% of which went to developing countries. This was a substantial 38% decrease in arms sales compared to 2009, and the lowest since 2003.

The global financial crisis has affected many countries, and developing countries have started to see a decrease in purchases in the last couple of years. Although most arms are sold to developing countries, 10 countries account for some 60% of all sales in the period 2003 to 2010, which the data covers. Saudi Arabia tops that list followed by India and the United Arab Emirates. (As well as concerns about some of the regimes in the top buyers, some of this spending is also said to be due to modernizing efforts.)

Updated graphs and charts on arms sales data are provided here.

The arms trade is big business. The 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council (US, Russia, France, United Kingdom and China), together with Germany and Italy, account for approximately 84% of the arms sold between 2003 and 2010.

Some of the arms sold go to regimes where human rights violations will occur. Corruption often accompanies arms sales due to the large sums of money involved.

Read full article: The Arms Trade Is Big Business

AbstractIn this study, we examined the structure of the international hyperlink network as a global communication system at two different points in time (2003 and 2009). Research was carried out on the web‐based network linking country code top‐level domains (ccTLDs) that represent countries, using hyperlink connectivity by the means of network analysis. The results indicate that the 2009 international hyperlink network was completely interconnected. G7 countries and Spain were at the centre of the network. At the periphery were poorer countries from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In addition, several regional clusters based on geography, language and culture emerged. A comparison of the 2003 and 2009 results showed that the level of centralization and diversification among semi‐peripheral countries increased. We discuss the results from the perspective of world‐systems theory. We propose methodological procedures to overcome potential bias in international hyperlink data.

The Global Energy Economics and Climate Protection Report 2009 compiles the essential indicators which are necessary to assess the climate evolution. The report explains the most important facts and indicators, shows the data for all important regions of the world and comments on the data with a focus on the key players. As a result, the report provides with the important facts and the knowledge necessary to for a quantitative climate discussion.The Annex of the report gives a concise overview on the fundamentals of energy economy, a brief analysis of the global energy economy, and a table of the main CO2 Emissions - sorted according to countries and sectors (Electricity, Fuel, Heating).

The past year was a momentous one for India. The country navigated through the shoals of an unprecedented global financial crisis with only modest negative impact, and successfully continued the world's largest exercise in democracy. The 15th general election in April-May 2009 saw the venerable Congress Party return to power with a large mandate. On the external front, although ties between India and the Obama administration have been friendly, real concerns remain about the future trajectory of Indo-U.S. relations. Relations with Pakistan and China also remain testy.

Cost-effective approaches to mitigating climate change depend on advances in clean energy technologies, such as solar and wind power. Given increased technology innovation in developing countries, led by China, we focus our attention on global patterns of renewable energy innovation. Utilizing highly valuable international patents as our indicator of innovation, we examine the economic and political determinants of energy innovation in 74 countries across the world, 1990-2009. We find that high oil prices and domestic renewable electricity generation capacity both increase innovation. There is no effect for corruption, but our findings suggest that democratic institutions may contribute to innovation. The main implication of our work for policymakers is that increasing renewable electricity capacity in developing countries could significantly contribute to global innovation in renewable energy.

Muss man die extrem ungleiche Verteilung von Lebensgütern zwischen armen und reichen Ländern unseres Globus als unabwendbar hinnehmen? Oder gibt es Prinzipien verteilender Gerechtigkeit auch in den internationalen Beziehungen? Der Autor prüft die sozialphilosophische und die völkerrechtliche Literatur zu diesem Thema und gelangt zu dem Schluss, dass es auch in der heutigen Welt souveräner Staaten verbindliche normative Maßstäbe für internationale Gerechtigkeit gibt. Er verwirft den naheliegenden Gedanken, dass globale Gerechtigkeit eine Erhöhung der Transferleistungen von den reichen zu den armen Ländern verlange – dies führe zu Passivität, Verstetigung von Abhängigkeit und Mangel an Selbstachtung der Empfängervölker. Globale Gerechtigkeit gebiete vielmehr die Errichtung von Institutionen, durch die die Völker ermächtigt werden, die Gestaltung ihres Schicksals in die eigenen Hände zu nehmen. Hierfür postuliert er auch eine Verantwortlichkeit der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Am Ende, so der Autor, münde die Antwort auf die Frage nach den Bedingungen globaler Gerechtigkeit in das Projekt der Herstellung rechtfertigungsfähiger Institutionen von "global governance"