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The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

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In January 1995, four Latin American countries, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay joined their destinies within a common and ambitious enterprise called MERCOSUR. MERCOSUR, the Common Market of the South, represents an important economic integration area that generates a GDP of $US 600 billion, providing a market of 200 million people spread over an area of 12 million square km. Initially, MERCOSUR performance has been more than successful, as intra-MERCOSUR trade has increased significantly. However, the elimination of intra-MERCOSUR tariffs will not be efficient if at the same time the sharp variability of nominal exchange rates artificially affects the relative prices of different products. The question as to the choice of the optimal exchange rate system to be adopted among MERCOSUR countries becomes critical if MERCOSUR states attempt to go further along the path of increasing their trade flows of goods and services. The study contributes to filling this gap by providing some alternative answers to this issue. The analysis has been based on three pillars: a theoretical review of exchange rate systems; a review of the European experience; and an analysis of the Latin American experience.

La trata de mujeres y niñas con fines de explotación sexual es un flagelo que vulnera los derechos humanos de las mujeres, que conlleva a condiciones de esclavitud y de tortura en pleno siglo XXI.El siguiente trabajo intenta dar cuenta de estas condiciones, ahondando en los mecanismos que hacen viable su existencia, la complicidad del entramado de una red de poder que involucra a vastos sectores de la sociedad, la permanencia de un sistema machista que contempla estas prácticas; y la problematización de la trata en función de las reflexiones de autoras que analizaron la cotidianeidad de los centros de detención clandestina durante la última dictadura militar en la Argentina y las condiciones estructurales que convirtieron al sistema capitalista en el mejor aliado del patriarcado.

Este estudio fue planteado sobre algunos aspectos de la construcción del discurso informativo y su relación con la constitución de la subjetividad, referida a procesos políticos de la década del cincuenta en Argentina. Concretamente, se trabaja la vinculación entre los dispositivos de construcción de noticias en la prensa durante el golpe militar que derrocó a Perón en 1955. En el marco de este tema, uno de los objetivos es analizar las dimensiones, los alcances y las consecuencias de las transformaciones registradas en el campo del discurso informativo que ocurrieron en Setiembre del 55 y Setiembre del 73, (fechas del derrocamiento de Perón y de su tercera asunción al poder respectivamente). Se trabaja la construcción del discurso informativo como parte del discurso social. Los registros hemerográficos del diario "La Capital" de Rosario constituyen el material de análisis de los procesos sociales desde la comunicación. Justamente desde esta construcción intentaremos interpretar las representaciones sociales que se encuentran sin duda en los discursos, pero también en los diferentes mensajes, en las imágenes, las conductas, los comportamientos y sus relaciones. Las producciones mediáticas intervienen intensamente en las construcciones representativas.

Forty years after the establishment of the Islamic Republic and the rise of "theocracy", we have almost completely forgotten the original role that Islam played in Iranian uprising in 1978-79. Instead, in late 1978, such an originality was grasped by Michel Foucault who, in his analysis of Iranian facts, developed the concept of "political spirituality". This paper aims therefore to show the genesis of this core concept, on the one hand, in the tradition of Shia Islam and, on the other hand, in the research program on the counter-conducts that Foucault himself was developing at the end of the 1970s. The need to clarify this concept is due to at least two reasons: firstly because it provides an hermeneutic key to highlight the irreducibility of the Iranian uprising - and of its Islamic inspiration - to its theocratic results; secondly because it conceptualizes the most radical form of resistance to power in terms of an autonomy that is gained in the exposure of life itself to the risk of death.