Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Glossary -- Chronology of the Alliance Party -- Preface and acknowledgements -- Introduction: A sea of troubles -- 1. Perchance to dream: The founding of the Alliance Party 1969-1972 -- 2. 'To take up arms': The first elections 1973-1975 -- 3. 'Towards government?' Consolidation and successes 1976-1986 -- 4. 'There's trouble ahead': New political initiatives 1983-1993 -- 5. 'Hope springs eternal': Towards the Good Friday Agreement 1993-1998 -- 6. 'Problems and setbacks': Implementing the Good Friday Agreement 1998-2005 -- 7. 'Back in government': Revival, two ministries and an MP 2006-2011 -- 8. Flags, Haass and elections 2012-2014 -- 9. Alliance Party principles and organisation -- 10. The party leadership -- 11. 'A party of reconciliation'? Religion and identity -- 12. The way forward for the Alliance Party -- Notes -- Bibliography.

This special issue of Ethnopolitics takes the tenth anniversary of the signing of a peace Agreement in Belfast, Northern Ireland, on Good Friday 10 April 1998, as an opportunity to reflect on, and assess, developments in Northern Ireland since the Agreement. This introductory article provides both an outline of the articles which make up the main body of this special issue, and some background information on the Agreement. The first part provides a brief outline of the process through which the Agreement came about. The second part examines the contents of the Agreement and the main institutions which it established. The third part provides a brief outline of the contents of the contributions to this special issue. The final part explores some of the themes covered in the special issue. (Ethnopolitics)

This paper examines changing housing provision and policies in Northern Ireland during the period 1998-2007. The theoretical framework derives from the political economy of housing and the focus is on the extent to which devolution has impacted upon housing provision and policy since 1998. The distinctive history of housing provision in Northern Ireland since partition is reviewed. The period since the good Friday Agreement has been characterized by periodic suspensions of the Northern Ireland Assembly and most housing policy initiatives, as between 1971 and 1998, have come from direct rule ministers following Westminster developments. Some distinctive features of social housing administration have been retained, with the Northern Ireland Housing executive still playing a major role, despite a high level of sales to tenants. Housing provision in Northern Ireland has come also more to resemble the situation in the Republic of Ireland, where a long economic boom has been associated with rapid growth in house prices despite greatly increased levels of new building. It is concluded that there is no significant evidence that devolution after 1998 has resulted in distinctive housing policy or housing provision developments in Northern Ireland and that, as in Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland, housing provision has become increasingly market-driven. (Ethnopolitics)

This thesis explores the bloody conflict in Northern Ireland between the Irish nationalist community, those desiring a united Ireland, and the Ulster loyalist community, those longing to remain a part of the UK, known as the Troubles (1969-1998). More specifically, this thesis centers on the strong and courageous women who played undeniably significant roles throughout the conflict. Some women campaigned for better and equal rights for women, some protested for political justice, some picked up guns to fight, and still others advocated for peace. Using the real women of history as a guide, it will create a lens through which to study these women as they are represented in literature, art, and film.

Outlining Ireland's long history of ethno-national conflict, and the recent protracted 'peace process' in Northern Ireland, contextualises a critique of the problems underlying such conflicts, and the difficulties in transforming externally imposed conflict management into self-sustaining conflict resolution. It is argued that the problems and difficulties are deeply rooted in a thoroughly modern complex of nationalism, ethnicity, sovereignty and representative democracy. These are knotted together in a common denominator of territoriality, an the nub of the problem is the 'double paradox' of democracy's undemocratic origins in the present. Territorially, the use of bordered geographical space, is a powerful and ubiquitous mode of social organisation which simplifies social control. But it can grossly oversimplify and distort social realities, particularly at borders and especially where territory is contested, thereby reinforcing other distorting simplifications typically found in the ethno-national conflicts. In consequence, radical remedies are needed if the problems are to be overcome. Making ethno-national peace paradoxically calls for more creative border-crosing conflicts around other issues. (Nations and Nationalism)

Northern Ireland has entered what is arguably the key phase in its troubled political history? truth recovery and dealing with the legacy of the past? yet the void in knowledge and the lack of academic literature with regard to victims? rights is particularly striking. This book analyses truth recovery as a fundamental aspect of the transition from political violence to peace, democracy and stability in post-conflict Northern Ireland. Kirk Simpson argues that it is essential for any process of truth recovery in Northern Ireland to provide the victims of political violence with the opportunit

Negotiating a Settlement in Northern Ireland: From Sunningdale to St Andrews uses original material from witness seminars, elite interviews, and archive documents to explore the shape taken by the Irish peace process, and in particular to analyse the manner in which successful stages of this were negotiated. Northern Ireland's Good Friday Agreement of 1998 marked the end a 30-year conflict that had witnessed more than 3,000 deaths, thousands of injuries, catastrophic societal damage, and large-scale economic dislocation. This book traces the roots of the Agreement over the decades, stretching back to the Sunningdale conference of 1973 and extending up to at least the St Andrews Agreement of 2006. It describes the changing relationship between parties to the conflict (nationalist and unionist groups within Northern Ireland, and the Irish and British governments) and identifies three dimensions of significant change: new ways of implementing the concept of sovereignty, growing acceptance of power sharing, and the steady emergence of substantial equality in the socio-economic, cultural, and political domains. As well as placing this in the context of an extensive social science literature, the book innovates by looking at the manner in which those most closely involved understood the process in which they were engaged. The authors reproduce testimonies from witness seminars and interviews involving central actors, including former prime ministers, ministers, senior officials, and political advisors. They conclude that the outcome was shaped by a distinctive interaction between the conscious planning of these elites and changing demographic and political realities that themselves were, in a symbiotic way, consequences of decisions made in earlier years. They also note the extent to which this settlement has come under pressure from new notions of sovereignty implicit in the Brexit process.

This book examines memoir-writing by many of the key political actors in the Northern Irish 'Troubles' (1969–1998), and argues that memoir has been a neglected dimension of the study of the legacies of the violent conflict. It investigates these sources in the context of ongoing disputes over how to interpret Northern Ireland's recent past. A careful reading of these memoirs can provide insights into the lived experience and retrospective judgments of some of the main protagonists of the conflict. The period of relative peace rests upon an uneasy calm in Northern Ireland. Many people continue to inhabit contested ideological territories, and in their strategies for shaping the narrative 'telling' of the conflict, key individuals within the Protestant Unionist and Catholic Irish Nationalist communities can appear locked into exclusive and self-justifying discourses. In such circumstances, while some memoirists have been genuinely self-critical, many others have utilised a post-conflict language of societal reconciliation in order to mask a strategy that actually seeks to score rhetorical victories and to discomfort traditional enemies. Memoir-writing is only one dimension of the current ad hoc approach to 'dealing with the past' in Northern Ireland, but in the absence of any consensus regarding an overarching 'truth and reconciliation' process, this is likely to be the pattern for the foreseeable future. This study provides the first comprehensive analysis of a major resource for understanding the conflict

Utilizing a critical sociological perspective, this book examines how overlapping class, gender, and spatial inequalities within and across Unionist and Nationalist communities shape processes of identity formation and party politics in Northern Ireland and implications of such processes on community-based peacebuilding and conflict transformation.

Blood, shit and tears: the textual reinscription of sacrifice, ritual and victimhood in Bernard MacLaverty's Cal -- The law's terrifying double: "Legal Panic" in Glenn Patterson's That which was -- Family matters: Jim Sheridan's In the name of the father and Terry George's Some mother's son -- States of desire in Patrick McCabe's Breakfast on Pluto -- "Something like God": shit, orifices, and bodily signifiers in Louise Dean's This human season