Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- Marxism and social movements: reconstructed, post-, and new social movements -- Marxism and the Occupy movement -- Overview of Occupy Wall Street and Occupy Philadelphia -- The occupying context: history and the macro context -- The proximate context -- Organizational structures; hierarchies and power; autonomy and authenticities in Occupy -- Ideologies and the conflicts of humanism and rationality -- Schisms part one - race, liberals and anarchy -- Schisms part two - more ideological divides -- Relations with the outside -- The many faces of framing -- Emergent craziness: frustrations, hope, and trust -- Conclusion

Essay in a symposium on "Occupy Movements and the Indignant Figure.". Adapted from the source document.

On September 17 2011, an occupation of Wall Street in New York City began in protest of the influence of the power elite, namely multinational corporations and major banks, over the democratic process of the United States and over the lives of people worldwide. This occupation and the group of citizens engaging in it came to be known as Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Shortly after OWS"s inception, solidarity movements sprang up internationally, all under the name of Occupy. By October 15th 2011, Occupy was in 951 cities in 82 countries (Foster et al 2011).

On September 17 2011, an occupation of Wall Street in New York City began in protest of the influence of the power elite, namely multinational corporations and major banks, over the democratic process of the United States and over the lives of people worldwide. This occupation and the group of citizens engaging in it came to be known as Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Shortly after OWS"s inception, solidarity movements sprang up internationally, all under the name of Occupy. By October 15th 2011, Occupy was in 951 cities in 82 countries (Foster et al 2011).

On September 17 2011, an occupation of Wall Street in New York City began in protest of the influence of the power elite, namely multinational corporations and major banks, over the democratic process of the United States and over the lives of people worldwide. This occupation and the group of citizens engaging in it came to be known as Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Shortly after OWS"s inception, solidarity movements sprang up internationally, all under the name of Occupy. By October 15th 2011, Occupy was in 951 cities in 82 countries (Foster et al 2011).

Whatever the effects of police repression and freezing weather, I believe that the men and women of the Occupations will still be making themselves heard when you read this. Something new and important has begun in American politics, and we won't see the end of it soon: a political struggle against the growing inequalities of our common life. Since the inequalities are systemic, the struggle won't be short or easy. I am not sure what the odds are on winning, but it is enormously heartening that so many people, mostly young people, have at last begun the fight.

This piece offers preliminary reflections on the theoretical justification of a highly organised protest staged against the non-profit organisation contracted by the Hong Kong Government to provide asylum seekers with humanitarian assistance. In so doing, it reveals the central role played by asylum seekers reacting to border policies and practices that cause their immiseration.

On October 15, 2011, OccupyTokyo protests took place in three different districts: Hibiya,Shinjuku, and Roppongi. Before the rallies began, protesters gathered in parkswhere organizers and participants gave speeches. They expressed solidarity withthe worldwide Occupy movement, criticized a widening economic gap in Japan, anddemanded a more just world. Protesters then took to the streets with theirplacards, drums, and megaphones to shout slogans to reclaim society for "the99%."

The liberal representative model of democracy is in a crisis. In protest camps, neighbourhood assemblies and through other non-hierarchical initiatives, the Occupy movement as well as other recent anti-austerity movements are redefining democracy as a positive way to engage with this crisis. The more direct democratic models of organisation that they are employing are not aimed at making the politicians regain their lost public legitimacy. Instead, direct democracy is perceived by these movements as a radical alternative to the established forms of representation. Can direct democracy become an actual alternative to representative democracy? This book takes an engaged and in-depth look at the Occupy movement in Ireland and the San Francisco Bay Area in the US in order to present the most up-to-date evidence of the changing nature of popular democratic demands. It takes an insider's perspective to analyse the internal processes and iterations of the movement. Establishing links between social movements and transformations of democracy, as well as underscoring the significance of the recent movements for the future of democracy, this book is essential reading for students, scholars and activists interested in direct democracy, social movements, and radical politics more generally.--