Political Development in Macau
In: Pacific affairs, Volume 71, Issue 1, p. 100-101
ISSN: 0030-851X
Henders reviews 'Political Development in Macau' by Lo Shiu Hing.
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In: Pacific affairs, Volume 71, Issue 1, p. 100-101
ISSN: 0030-851X
Henders reviews 'Political Development in Macau' by Lo Shiu Hing.
In: Studies in political development, 6
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, p. 1-47
ISSN: 0002-7162
Contents: Development through democracy, by Luis Muñoz Marín; Puerto Rico and American policy toward dependent areas, by Rupert Emerson; From colony to commonwealth, by Antonio Fernós-Isern; Congressional conservatism and the commonwealth relationship, by Pedro Muñoz Amato; The commonwealth constitution, by Victor Gutiérrez-Franqui and Henry Wells; The world significance of the new constitution, by C. J. Friedrich.
In: Studies in political development 6
In: Princeton legacy library
In: Telos, Volume 27, p. 61-78
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
In the mid-1930s, Korsch described himself as a Marxist, but critical & not dogmatic. The core of his political thought was the concept of autonomous proletarian actions, as opposed to the use of Marxism as an ideology. His rejection of theoretical Marxism derived from his rejection of the practice of Marxist movements. Korsch saw spontaneous proletarian action in 1918/19 as undermined by inability to organize, & was led by this view to Leninism; he attacked the social democrats as a branch of fascism, which he saw as the inevitable response to the defeat of the workers. Korsch advocated the natural necessity of the spontaneous rise of struggle from the economic situation; without such struggle, counterrevolution would result. Korsch's concept of freedom in this period was freedom to choose revolutionary radicalism. Ultimately, he was led to ultraleftism; yet he did not want to provide a vision of the transitional proletarian state different from that of Marx & Lenin, but only to warn about its nature. Korsch considered that Marx's politics were essentially bourgeois in character, amounting to advocacy of radical democracy not transformed as he had transformed bourgeois economics. For Korsch, the recreation of Marxism was a political problem; he saw Marx's economics as valid, but his political programs as unworkable. W. H. Stoddard
In: Center for International Studies, Princeton University
In: The world today, Volume 3, p. 306-316
ISSN: 0043-9134
In: Current History, Volume 14_Part-2, Issue 3, p. 1060-1062
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: American political science review, Volume 23, p. 139-149
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Journal of political & military sociology, Volume 16, Issue 1, p. 129-130
ISSN: 0047-2697
In: Studies in comparative international development, Volume 26, Issue 4, p. 71-74
ISSN: 0039-3606
In: American political science review, Volume 23, Issue 1, p. 139-149
ISSN: 1537-5943
"Italian unification" is an old phrase, today acquiring new meaning. Whatever Garibaldi would have thought of D'Annunzian and Fascist squadrism, however Cavour would have viewed the modern cult of Machiavelli, avowed by Mussolini, one may be sure that Mazzini would have been shocked at the chauvinist absolutism now proudly boasted by the Fascist régime: absolutism in the sense of an executive guided by its own intuitions and conscience, free from political criticism or parliamentary control; absolutism also in a sense for which English words are wanting, except as we boldly transliterate, and hope that "intransigence," "totalitarianism," will be understood to mean an all-inclusive hundredpercentedness. Italy is called by Mussolini "monolithic," all of one piece, tolerating anti-Fascist criticism no more than other states tolerate treason; all in and for Fascism, nothing against Fascism. Indeed, Fascism, without ceasing to be a party, has become the state. For parties in Edmund Burke's sense there is supposed to be no more need than for the factions Washington abhorred. Opposition such as is normal in the Cavourian scheme of parliamentary government—responsible critics, loyal and ready to take their turn in governing—is superfluous, a mere obstacle or obstruction to efficiency. None is permitted—in parliament, in press, in platform, or even in theory.What has just been said is presented, not by way of judging, but only of summarizing, the attitude firmly (courageously or arrogantly, according to the observer's prejudices) maintained by the powers that be in Italy today. The recent months have seen several important steps taken in the direction of institutional realization of this view.
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Volume 1, Issue 3, p. 327-350
ISSN: 1469-7777
In January 1963 the London talks on Swaziland's proposed constitution ended, as expected, in a deadlock. It had long been evident that the demand for equal (50–50) white and Swazi representation as advocated by the Swazi National Council (S.N.C.) and the European Advisory Council (E.A.C.) could not be accepted by the representatives of Swaziland's emerging political parties. This formula, which would give the country's 9,000 whites an equal voice with the nominees of the S.N.C., who were supposed to speak for the 270,000 Swazi, was vigorously denounced by all progressive elements in the country.