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The seventh volume of the acclaimed annual publication of the Institute of Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jews and Messianism in the Modern Era: Metaphor and Meaning examines the significance and meaning of messianic metaphors, themes, and ideals in modern Jewish history and culture. In addition to the standard symposia, book reviews, and lists of recent dissertations in Jewish studies, the volume includes contributions from such noted scholars of Jewish history as Jody Elizabeth Myerson on the messianic idea and Zionist ideologies; Aviezer Ravitsky on Zionism and the state of Israel as anti-messianic undertakings; Yaacov Shavit on realism and messianism in Zionism and the Yishuv; Hannan Hever on poetry and messianism in Palestine between the two world wars; Paul Mendes-Flohr on Jewish theological responses to political messianism in the Weimar Republic; and Richard Wolin on Jewish secular messianism.

This article aims to analyze the text from Walter Benjamin's 'Theologico-Political Fragment' (1991). Despite of being a short text, it presents some fundamental elements to structure the Benjamin's arguments on history. On this fragment the figure of a messiahs who is responsible for carrying out the historical events. The messianism present on Benjamin's work, thus, approaches to the real state of emergency proposed by himself on 'Theses on the Philosophy of History' (In: LÖWY, 2005). A state of emergency that does not only represents the suspension of the rules, but also its complete annihilation. Likewise, the messianism reflects the potential of profanation, the removal of the sacralization of the laws on the behalf of the resumption of the common use. Benjamin's propose goes towards a constitution of a political form, which is not limited to the simple reproduction of the status quo, but which actually represents the realization, the annihilation, of what became oppressor in the history.

This article analyzes the political aspect of the concept of mesianism. It is held that the resort to this concept in some contemporary philosophers, particularly Agamben, is debtor of Smith, Benjamin and Taubes'opinions about Paul's thinking. From these premises, it is examined the philosophical-political importance of mesianism from its question of everything nomos, justifying its unpolitical character. The unpolitical messianism is the complete opposite of the political theology. ; Este artículo examina la dimensión política del concepto de mesianismo. Se sostiene que el recurso a este concepto en ciertos filósofos contemporáneos, sobre todo Agamben, es deudor de las tesis de Schmitt, Benjamin y Taubes sobre el pensamiento paulino. Desde estas premisas, se examina la relevancia filosófico-política del mesianismo a partir de su cuestionamiento de todo nomos, justificando su carácter impolítico. El mesianismo impolítico es la antítesis de la teología política.

There is a closer relationship between 1789 and 1968 than it is usually believed. 1968 bases its propulsive impetus on a democratic and libertarian thought, and hedonistic and communistic will, in a romantic and messianic atmosphere. On a political plan, 1968 is not so much of a failure as it has been said.

This book examines the role of messianism in Zionist ideology from the birth of the movement through to the present. Is shows how messianism is not just a religious or philosophical term but a very tangible political practice which€has shaped Israeli identity.

Reviews the Jewish fundamentalism which is growing in Israel and even more in the US, focusing on the influential and dangerous messianic ideology of the religious settlers in the occupied territories. Organizationally, they are represented by the Gush Emunim, which is considered perfectly respectable. The prospect of Gush Emunim seizing power in Israel through a coup d'etat or heavily influencing Israeli policies through a complacent government is by no means unlikely. Argues that the ideology of Gush Emunim is even more extremist than those attributed to the extremes of Islamic fundamentalism.

Walter Benjamin's idiosyncratic theory of revolutionary messianism was at the very crux of his influence on Hannah Arendt and Gershom Scholem. This article argues that Arendt adopted important aspects of Benjamin's idea of revolution, but rejected his messianism, while Scholem rejected Benjamin's belief in revolution and accepted his emphasis on the power of messianism as a political idea, but in a historical rather than metaphysical sense. As a result, in Arendt's and Scholem's political thought both the category of revolution and that of messianism as Benjamin understood them were radically transformed. This transformation attests to the wide-ranging impact of Benjamin's political philosophy, as well as to the complex and hitherto misrecognized intellectual relationship between Arendt and Scholem