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Baamang sub-district community is very diverse with a very multiethnic professional background, education, religion, culture and ethnicity. The dynamics of the community need to be reviewed further in relation to the implementation of elections, especially regarding political participation and voter behavior. There are at least seven domains of voters in determining the basis of their political choices, namely, political issues and policies, social image, emotional feelings, candidate image, current events, personal events and epistemic factors. This study aims to determine voter behavior and what factors influence voter behavior in public elections in the Mentaya river basin in the 2014 legislative elections in Baamang sub-district, Kotawaringin Timur, Kalimantan Tengah. The research approach uses qualitative research because the research problems studied are holistic, complex, dynamic and full of meaning. The research method is field research which is a type of research oriented to empirical data collection in the field. The data collection technique in this study was carried out by interview, some notes that became field findings and available documentation related to this study. Data analysis is done by using several main steps, namely reducing data and presenting process data processing data that has been reduced in the form of a brief description describing the findings of the study. The results of the research on voter behavior in the watershed indicate that there are several factors that influence voter behavior namely similarity in identity background, education of candidates, experience of legislative candidates, economy, candidates vision and mission programs, disappointment with the performance of previous legislators and the popularity and appearance of candidates. Whereas voter behavior can be categorized into three namely rational-critical, traditional-skeptical and pragmatic-emotional.

Baamang sub-district community is very diverse with a very multiethnic professional background, education, religion, culture and ethnicity. The dynamics of the community need to be reviewed further in relation to the implementation of elections, especially regarding political participation and voter behavior. There are at least seven domains of voters in determining the basis of their political choices, namely, political issues and policies, social image, emotional feelings, candidate image, current events, personal events and epistemic factors. This study aims to determine voter behavior and what factors influence voter behavior in public elections in the Mentaya river basin in the 2014 legislative elections in Baamang sub-district, Kotawaringin Timur, Kalimantan Tengah. The research approach uses qualitative research because the research problems studied are holistic, complex, dynamic and full of meaning. The research method is field research which is a type of research oriented to empirical data collection in the field. The data collection technique in this study was carried out by interview, some notes that became field findings and available documentation related to this study. Data analysis is done by using several main steps, namely reducing data and presenting process data processing data that has been reduced in the form of a brief description describing the findings of the study. The results of the research on voter behavior in the watershed indicate that there are several factors that influence voter behavior namely similarity in identity background, education of candidates, experience of legislative candidates, economy, candidates vision and mission programs, disappointment with the performance of previous legislators and the popularity and appearance of candidates. Whereas voter behavior can be categorized into three namely rational-critical, traditional-skeptical and pragmatic-emotional. Article visualizations:

The 12th Amdendment to the Constitution requires that candidates for President and Vice President receive a majority of electoral votes to be elected. If no candidate receives a majority, the President is elected by the House of Representatives (which occurred once, in 1825), and the Vice President is elected by the Senate (which also occurred once, in 1837). This process is known as contingent election. This report contains information on the 12th Amendment Constitutional History, previous contingent elections, the 20th Amendment and the Presidential Succession Act of 1947, and related information.

The Indonesian parliamentary elections in April 2009 have been characterized as peaceful, free, and fair. All in all, the young democracy has been stabilized. The PD (Partai Demokrat, Democratic Party), the electoral vehicle of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, won with 20.8%. It is mostly secular parties, that is the PD, Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya, Party of Functional Groups) and the PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia - Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle), which now dominate the party system. Support for the Islamic parties has dwindled; only the Islamist PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Prosperous Justice Party) was able to gain slightly. The rapid rise of the PD and two smaller new parties is testimony to the fluidity of the party system. The results corroborate a trend of a weakening of socio-political "streams" (aliran). This development is due to the increasing personalization and commercialization of politics and the impact of mass media. Moreover, electoral reforms (the introduction of an "open list") seem to have strengthened local politicians vis-à-vis party headquarters in Jakarta. (JCSA/GIGA)

The sixth President of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, tells DNA about how he handled the three economic crises and two political challenges during his two-term presidency. He stresses the importance of maintaining good personal relationships with international leaders, especially among ASEAN countries, highlighting three success factors and his hope for ASEAN.

Elections and politics in Indonesia -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- About the Author -- Glossary -- 1. Introduction: Ethnicity, Regionalism, and Religion -- 2. Pancasila versus Political Islam, 1955-97 -- 3. Exit Soeharto, Enter Habibie: Prelude to the 1999 Election -- 4. The Search for Legitimacy and Democracy -- 5. Old Rivalries, Blurred Identities -- 6. Democracy and Ethnic Chinese Politics -- 7. The MPR Elects a President -- 8. Challenges Facing Gus Dur -- 9. The Rise of Mega -- 10. Democracy, Indonesian Style? -- Appendices -- Appendix I: The 1999 General Election Results for DPR by Province -- Appendix II.1: Profile of MPR Members (who are from DPR) (1999–2004) -- Appendix II.2: Profile of MPR Members (who are not from DPR) (1999–2004) -- Appendix III.1: Indonesian Cabinet (1999–2004): October 1999 to 20 August 2000 -- Appendix III.2: Indonesian Cabinet (1999–2004): From 21 August 2000 to 23 June 2001 -- Appendix III.3: Indonesian Cabinet (1999–2004): From 9 August 2001 -- Appendix IV: Symbols of Political Parties in the 1999 General Election -- Index.

This article aimed to describe metaphorical utterance meaning inside of discourse of president, parliament, and major national election 2014. The approach used was a qualitative descriptive approach. The data was the extract of the campaign discourse. The data analysis was done by using a normative method, referential method, and reflective introspective method. The meaning of metaphorical extension inside of the campaign based on comparative theory were (1) objects to refer things, (2) objects to refer situation, (3) objects to refer action, (4) place to refer place, (5) place to refer situation, (6) action to refer action, (7) action to refer situation, (8) situation to refer situation, (9) situation to refer action, and (10) time to refer time. Metaphorical meaning based on interactive theory covers the meaning of metaphorical utterances which changes its meaning into directive meaning tended to or reverse.

This study aims to determine the perceptions and expectations of the people associated with the integrity and professionalism of the organizers of the election in the 2014 presidential election in the 4th District / City of North Maluku province, as well as provide a thorough assessment of the quality of the 2014 presidential election as input and improvements in looking to the upcoming 2019 Presidential Election. This study uses a survey, taking a sample of 400 respondents in four Regency / City (East Halmahera, South Halmahera regency, Central Halmahera and Ternate). Sampling using a purposive sampling method that is based on the number of residents and representatives of community characteristics based on race/ethnicity, the highest level of violation. These results indicate that 30 percent of respondents doubt the integrity and professionalism of the Operator Pilpres both KPU and Regency / City and KDP (district level) and PPS (village) Relating to the stages of the determination of vote counts, the implementation of the recapitulation of vote counting, procurement logistics and distribution of ballot papers, exercising campaign, Socialization, and update the data of voters (DPT). Likewise, they still lack integrity and professionalism Bawaslu North Maluku Province, Supervisory District / Town, District and Village / Lurah. 30percent of respondents said surveillance of the stages of the Presidential Election as the duty of the Provincial Election Supervisory Body doubts integrity and professionalism. Similarly DKPP (Honorary Council Election) still weak in resolving cases of violation of the code of conduct organizers. It was concluded that the inadequate responsiveness of the organizers of the Provincial KPU, Bawaslu Province and DKPP in the running phases of the election of the President and Vice President of integrity and professionalism. Step improvement course conducted political education in reducing the number Abstentions (Voter Turnout), improved management of the electoral system, reform data ...

Combination of presidential government systems and multi-party systems as a system of Indonesian state has led to a government that does not effective and stable. The formulation of the problem which is the focus of the study in this paper, namely how is the legal politics of simplification of political parties in Indonesia for the period 2004 – 2014. The research method used in this study is normative. Based on the results of the study, the authors obtained answers to the existing problems, that the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia is democratic legal politics, but the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia should not only be directed at simplifying political parties in parliament, but also simplifying political parties in political parties participating in the general election.

On 17 September 2014, Fiji returned to elected governance, as citizens cast votes for fifty members of Parliament for four-year terms. The election followed a December 2006 coup, in which then Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama removed the recently re-elected government of Laisenia Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL, United Fiji Party). In 2009, the Fiji Court of Appeal held in Qarase v. Bainimarama that Bainimarama's interim government had no legal basis and that there must be fresh elections. President Ratu Josefa Iloilo subsequently abrogated Fiji's 1997 constitution and appointed Bainimarama to head a new government to rule until parliamentary elections which would happen by September 2014. Iloilo justified the five-year period as necessary to develop systemic changes to elections and governance in Fiji that would end institutionalized ethnic politics. Under the resulting new constitution and electoral system, Fijian voters gave an outright majority to Bainimarama's Fiji First party, which won thirty-two seats in Parliament. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]