Suchergebnisse

Led to: J. Hearn, with S. Strid, D. Balkmar, A. L. Humbert and M. Delaunay 'From gender regimes to violence regimes: Re-thinking the position of violence', Social Politics. ; Regimes of violence

This paper examines the critical factors and key players that have lead and contributed to the demise of the Marcos regime. The assassination of "Ninoy" Aquino and the consequent rise of his widow "Cory", imposition of martial law, popular dissatisfaction with Marcos' rule, massive government bailout of bankrupt crony firms and the loss of support and discontent from the national, landed and petty-bourgeoisie, were the tell-tale signs of Marcos' besieged regime. Another crucial juncture in the series of events was the military mutiny which was popularly supported by the people. This in turn created a situation of dual power. In the wake of the Marcos' regime, majority of Left organizations were marginalized from the political process. The absence of the Left allowed for succeeding battles to be promoted in Christian terms. Because no group articulated coherent and dynamic interpretation of the events other than the Church, the opportunity to raise the political understanding of the people was lost. The paper also provides a reflection on the so-called success of the people to bring down Marcos by understanding what was accomplished and what remains to be done. One of the challenges born by the aftermath includes moving towards formal, if not substantive, democracy. A specific stride towards this direction is for the movement that overthrew Marcos to have a cohesive ideology that goes beyond the personal commitment to Cory Aquino.

"Today democracy is seen as the only legitimate form of government almost all over the world. That it can be institutionalized differently leads to the question which kind of democracy might be better or worse. This question can be answered normatively, but also an the basis of different performances that can be determined empirically. The latter requires an adequate theoretical conceptualization of types of democratic regimes and the operationalization of these types in the form of indices. This is the subject of the analysis. Types and indices of democratic regimes that figure in the current comparative and empirical research an democracy are compared against the background of a theoretical framework. They are categorized as presidentialism-parliamentarism-approaches or veto-player-approaches. Thereby, the analysis implies a comparison of these two basic approaches to the construction of types and indices of democratic regimes." (author's abstract)

The article deals with the problem of identification of political system typology in dependence on its mode of operation. The author is of the opinion that political regime is not identical to political system, being a compound of modes and methods of political rule, and according to their nature, the political system is assessed in its working condition. Another thesis propounded by the author is that political regime should be examined both as an "order" of political system operation and as a separate subject with its own system relations among actors realizing political rule. Based on this premise, the notions of "regime-order" and "regime-structure" have been proposed. In effect, it is actually "regime-structure" that regulates the functioning of political system's "regime-order", i.e., that determines the character of political rule. Connected to the operation of political system in practice, the notion of "deviation" is introduced in a sense of deflecting a "working" system's regime from the "project" one, as drawn in constitution and laws. But situations can occur when the system begins to operate in the "working" regime before the "project" regime is established. In such a case, the character of the political "regime-order" becomes dependent on personal moral and political cultural preferences of those who gathered together in "regime-structure", and their preferences in a form of principles and modes of rule may become the political tradition, at least for some time. The conceptual innovations proposed by the author are illustrated with the account of the evolution of both political regime forms in Ukraine during its political sphere's independent development. The constant overflowing of ruling modes from one regime to another are caused also by the quality of social environment, first of all due to the domination of paternalist psychology therein. The most negative result of such evolution of feedback between ruling regimes and society is a domination of emotions over rationality in mass political thinking and behavior. Key words: political system, political regime, "regime-order", "regime-structure", political rule

Examines military intervention, assassination, military occupation, and US-supported change of government in Iran in 1953; 4 articles. Contents: What justifies regime change? by Pascal Boniface; When to target leaders, by Catherine Lotrionte; Military occupation: legally ensuring a lasting peace, by David B. Rivkin Jr. and Darin R. Bartram; Lessons from Iran, by Barry Rubin.

In dem Beitrag werden internationale Regime als Rahmenordnungen bestimmter Bereiche internationaler Beziehungen und internationaler Politik analysiert, die sich aus Prinzipien, Normen, Regeln und Entscheidungsverfahren aufbauen, z.B. GATT oder Bretton Woods. Drei Problemfelder werden analysiert: (1) eine neue internationale Wirtschaftsordnung; (2) eine neue internationale Informations- und Kommunikationsordnung; (3) eine neue Meeresordnung. Der allgemeine Hintergrund für diese Forderungen wird ausgeleuchtet. Die besonderen Merkmale der Nord-Süd-Beziehungen werden erläutert und die Entwicklungsproblematik als ihr Kernproblem dargestellt. Die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Industrie- und Entwicklungsländern anhand der drei Problemfelder zeigt, daß nur im Bereich der Meeresnutzung die Seerechtskonvention als neues internationales Regime entwickelt werden konnte. Für die beiden anderen werden Konfliktpositionen ohne Ergebnisse aufgezeigt. Insgesamt wird betont, daß internationale Regime der Versuch sind, in einer Welt wachsender Komplexität und Interdependenz Vorkehrungen für eine politische Koordination gerade angesichts unvereinbarer Interessenpositionen zu schaffen. (RW)

Regimes are harder to establish in the security area than they are in the economic realm because of the inherently competitive cast of many security concerns, the unforgiving nature of the problems, and the difficulty in determining how much security the state has or needs. Nevertheless, there is at least one example of a functioning security regime—the Concert of Europe. Under the Concert the great powers sharply moderated their individualistic and competitive policies and exercised restraint in the expectation that others would reciprocate. The self-interest that they followed was broader and longer-run than usual. The Balance of Power, however, is a regime only if the restraints are internal, as Kaplan implies, as contrasted with Waltz's formulation in which states restrain each other. Current superpower relations should not be considered a regime because the principles, rules, and norms have little autonomy but instead can be best understood as quite direct reflections of the states' power and interests.