Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag behandelt die Dynamiken internationaler Organisationen, die in die Resolution ethnischer Konflikte in Europa involviert sind. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf fünf Organisationen, die am Konfliktmanagement und der Wiederherstellung von Regierungsgrundlagen in betroffenen Regionen beteiligt sind: die Vereinte Nationen (VN), die Europäische Union (EU), der Europarat (CoE) und die Organisation für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa (OSZE). Die Studie gibt einen Überblick über die Agenda und Mechanismen des Konfliktmanagements dieser Organisationen. Des Weiteren werden durchgeführte Aktionen und Strategien in Bezug auf spezifische Beispiele dargestellt. Hierbei werden vor allem drei Fälle untersucht, Bosnien und Herzegowina, Kosovo und Mazedonien, in denen es eine besonders starke Involvierung internationaler Organisationen gab. Die Analyse ergibt, dass deutliche Unterschiede in der Agenda und den fallspezifischen Empfehlungen der verschiedenen Organisationen festgestellt werden können. Im ersten Teil des Beitrags wird ein kurzer Überblick über ethnische Konflikte im westlichen Balkan gegeben, gefolgt von einer Einordnung verschiedener Mechanismen der Konfliktresolution. Darauf aufbauend werden die individuellen Ansätze der oben genannten Organisationen in Bezug auf die Balkanregion untersucht. Abschließend werden einige vorläufige Schlussfolgerungen über Trends der Involvierung internationaler Organisationen in diesem Gebiet gezogen. (ICG)

Diskussion aktueller Aspekte des Westsaharakonflikts und der von diesem Konflikt mitbestimmten bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen Marokko und Algerien. Gespräche König Hassans II mit der Befreiungsbewegung Polisario. Rolle der Supermächte im Konflikt. Marokkos Standpunkt zur Frage der Selbstbestimmung. Fortschritte und Rückschläge in den Jahren 1988-89. Zukunftsaussichten. (DÜI-Hlb)

King Hassan II of Morocco informed the French press in December 1988 that he was willing to talk to the Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y Río de Oro, known as the Polisario Front, which had been waging a war of national independence during the previous 15 years. Although the Moroccan Sovereign insisted that the subsequent meetings which took place on 4–5 January 1989 in Marrakesh constituted 'discussions' rather than 'negotiations', they undoubtedly represented a breakthrough in what has been dubbed by many as the 'forgotten war', not least because the mere acknowledgement of the Front's existence was in itself a de facto recognition of the Sahrawi liberation movement.

It seems that every single issue in Eurasia and the world becomes a battleground among the great powers. This book's initiative is to categorize the battlegrounds as three aspects: national/regional/international conflicts, institutions/alliances, and projects.

'Der vorliegende Bericht untersucht den tadschikischen Bürgerkrieg vor dem Hintergrund der unterschiedlichen Interessen in der Region Mittelasien. Aufgrund der Besonderheiten der tadschikischen sozialen und ökonomischen Entwicklung und gefördert durch das dominierende Ideensystem des Islam in seiner spezifisch mittelasiatischen Ausprägung wurde Tadschikistan zum schwächsten Glied der sich in der Region herausbildenden neuen Staatlichkeiten. Die soziale Explosion des Jahres 1992 nahm die Form eines Bürgerkriegs an, in den vielen Staaten dieses Raumes verwickelt wurden. Im folgenden soll untersucht werden, welche Faktoren den Konflikt innerhalb Tadschikistans nähren und wie dieser Konflikt auf die Region ausstrahlt.' (Autorenreferat)

Almost two decades since conflict broke out between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, two northern neighbors of Iran, in Nagorno – Karabakh region. Although military conflict in this region has minimized with the existing ceasefire, and reaching a sustainable agreement is likely to be happened by the two parties. Close regional and international cooperation seems necessary more than ever in order to reduce conflict in Nagorno – Karabakh region. The main objective of this study is to give a thorough presentation of the regional and international cooperation in order to reduce Nagorno – Karabakh regional issues and hazards.Hereunder is the main question raised by the researcher: "To what extent regional and international cooperation is effective in reducing Nagorno – Karabakh conflict?"The hypothesis of the present study is that the interrelated nature of security in the international system and Caucasus region causes convergence among neighboring countries to reduce conflict in Caucasus and Nagorno – Karabakh regions. Taking advantage of the analytic – descriptive method and also benefiting from reliable and authentic sources, it can be concluded that the interdependence of threat will lead to the increased mutual costs in this study. This issue will cause formation of convergence in the Caucasus region, so that it will lead to the reduced conflict and tension in Nagorno – Karabakh region.

Ausgehend von der Analyse regionaler Konfliktherde, bei denen die Interessenphären der Supermächte tangiert und von diesen auch z.T. militärisch gewahrt werden, stellt sich die Frage, welche Konfliktlösungsoptionen entwickelt werden könnten. Gegenwärtig gibt es keine beiderseitig anerkannten Grundsätze, um bei Verhandlungen die vorhandenen Interessengegensätze zu bewältigen. Als ein Schritt in die richtige Richtung erscheint die Neutralisierung der Konfliktregion, was jedoch in Anbetracht komplexer Konfliktkonstellationen nur u.U. erfolgreich sein kann. Eine fundierte Einschätzung der gegnerischen Interessen, die Vermeidung militärischer Provokationen und die individuelle Behandlung von Konflikte sowie die Berücksichtigung regionaler Interessen und die Wahrung bzw. Herstellung demokratischer Verhältnisse bieten Ansatzpunkte bei den Bemühungen um die Beilegung regionaler Konflikte.(SWP-Mgr)

"This book uses a multidisciplinary approach to examine the ongoing conflict in Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province, which has killed thousands and displaced a million people since 2017. The book investigates how the conflict developed, the regional and international responses, and its wider implications. From a broad range of African perspectives, the book addresses issues related to the conflict including international humanitarian law, regional security, and terrorism. Part one assesses the regional security concerns of the conflict, the success of cross-border counter terrorism operations and its implications for the southern African region. Part two focuses on the conflict in relation to international humanitarian law. It discusses the Islamic State presence in the region, the trajectory and issues pertaining to sexual and gender-based violence, and the relationship between the conflict and the environment. Finally, part three examines regional and continental responses to the conflict; from the military intervention by the Southern African Development Community and Rwanda, to the perceived inaction of the African Union. The first comprehensive analysis of the conflict in Cabo Delgado, this book will be of interest to scholars and practitioners of international humanitarian law, security, African politics, war and conflict studies, terrorism and human rights"--

"The world is in a second nuclear age in which regional powers play an increasingly prominent role. These states have small nuclear arsenals, often face multiple active conflicts, and sometimes have weak institutions. How do these nuclear states--and potential future ones--manage their nuclear forces and influence international conflict? Examining the reasoning and deterrence consequences of regional power nuclear strategies, this book demonstrates that these strategies matter greatly to international stability and it provides new insights into conflict dynamics across important areas of the world such as the Middle East, East Asia, and South Asia. Vipin Narang identifies the diversity of regional power nuclear strategies and describes in detail the posture each regional power has adopted over time. Developing a theory for the sources of regional power nuclear strategies, he offers the first systematic explanation of why states choose the postures they do and under what conditions they might shift strategies. Narang then analyzes the effects of these choices on a state's ability to deter conflict. Using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, he shows that, contrary to a bedrock article of faith in the canon of nuclear deterrence, the acquisition of nuclear weapons does not produce a uniform deterrent effect against opponents. Rather, some postures deter conflict more successfully than others. Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era considers the range of nuclear choices made by regional powers and the critical challenges they pose to modern international security"--

THE LEBANESE CONFLICT WENT THROUGH A NUMBER OF PHASES, EACH WITH ITS OWN RATIONALE, INCORPORATING DIFFERENT ISSUES AND AT TIMES DIFFERENT PLAYERS. THROUGHOUT, THERE WERE ATTEMPTS ON BOTH THE INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL LEVELS TO FIND A SOLUTION TO WHAT WAS PLAGUING THE COUNTRY AND ERODING ITS POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS. THIS ARTICLE STUDIES THREE MAJOR ATTEMPTS AT RESOLVING THE LEBANESE CONFLICT WHEN THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE DOMESTIC FACTIONS MET AND CAME UP WITH FORMULAE THAT APPEARED TO ADDRESS EVERYONE'S CONCERNS. THE PROCESS OF MULTILATERAL NEGOTIATIONS, THE ASYMMETRICAL STRUCTURES OF THOSE NEGOTIATIONS, THE RIPE MOMENT FOR NEGOTIATING, THE ROLE OF EXTERNAL MEDIATORS, AND THE ISSUE OF THE VALID SPOKESMAN ARE ANALYZED WITHIN A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK BASED ON I. WILLIAM ZARTMAN'S MODEL OF GOVERNMENT-INSURGENCY NEGOTIATIONS.

THE INCREASES IN BOTH COOPERATION AND CONFLICT AMONG THE STATES OF AFRICA ARE INDICATIVE OF THE TREND TOWARDS REGIONALISM IN WORLD POLITICS. THE EMERGENCE OF NEW STATES, ALL OVER THE WORLD, LEADS TO REGIONAL CONFLICT, AS WELL AS REGIONAL COOPERATION. THE AUTHOR INCLUDES A MAP WHICH CLEARLY SHOWS SOME REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN AFRICA, AS OF THE MIDDLE OF 1975.