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The article examines trade policy initiatives of the Biden administration. In a complex climate of domestic political polarization, the United States compete with China and defends its position in international markets. These challenges affect the areas of high technologies, digital economy, information and communications sector, renewable energy sources, and infrastructure. At the same time, an equally important problem in the context of increased geopolitical risks remains increasing the reliability of logistics and production chains, primarily for microelectronics. Addressing these challenges requires the creation of appropriate platforms that allow the United States to interact with partner countries. Within these frameworks, the United States intends to promote the priorities of the Biden administration: standards in the field of high technologies, ensuring the energy transition, protecting working conditions and inclusion. Another crucial area is promoting the fight against corruption, ensuring transparency of business processes in partner countries and training personnel. Completing these goals should attract American business and investment to the Pacific and Indian Ocean regions and Latin America. These should also increase American leverage in its strategic competition with China. At the same time, the formats of cooperation created by the United States must be insured against their internal political situation and the risks of interruption of work when there is a change of presidential administrations. In less than four years of its work (2021–2024), the Biden administration has proposed three platforms: the Global Infrastructure and Investment Partnership, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, and the Partnership of the Americas for Economic Prosperity. The results of their implementation are different. This article examines the two last mentioned regional platforms and describes conditions for their creation, work prospects, probable risks, and some results.

This commentary explores Brazil's role in Latin American platform capitalism, integrating Ruy Mauro Marini's theoretical framework with contemporary studies of platform capitalism. It examines the connections between Latin American platforms, overexploitation, and data accumulation, leading to the concept of platform sub-imperialism: The emergence of certain Southern countries as platform sub-imperialist powers, acting as regional centers of data and capital accumulation through the expansion of their platforms into neighboring countries. This positioning constitutes an intermediate state between hegemonic nations and "digital colonies" in the international division of platform labor, data accumulation, and technological dependency.

Urban planners are increasingly working with ideas around datafied cities, such as platform urbanism, to understand urban life and changes with technology. This article seeks to assist urban planners in these efforts by analysing and mapping the qualities of platform urbanism. Drawing on a dataset of approximately 100 examples that detail urban data practices, we trace some of the current tendencies that are shaping the nature and dynamics of platform urbanism. While we identify no unifying narrative or overarching pattern to our data, we interpret this as supporting Barns' (2019) notion of a pivot towards platforms. We argue this through exploring the interoperability between data sources and domains (vertical and horizontal integration), identifying elements of how platforms intermediate urban life through their growth in different sectors and the use of geolocation, and note the different artefacts that contribute to platform urbanism. We also note a concerning dynamic where city administration becomes 'locked in' to specific corporate products and interests, and thereby 'locked out' from alternatives. We discuss this in the context of social inclusion and what this means for urban planners, including the fragility of corporate platforms and what platforms urbanism means for social relationships in the city.

AbstractThe literature on regional innovation systems (RIS) highlights that the localized social and institutional contexts of knowledge production matter for economic success. For less‐advantaged regions, this raises a practical methodological challenge: how to construct platforms for regional innovation from the ground up? This paper discusses how a university working in a geographically and economically peripheralAustralian region, theCradleCoast region ofTasmania, has addressed this challenge, using insights from regional development platform method (RDPM). This work has demonstrated the difficulties of applyingRDPMin a context where regional development actors lack strong structural, relational and cognitive ties. An approach called knowledge partnering has been used to overcome 'connectivity deficits' and bring regional actors together around issues of common concern. The local university has played a key role in this process. For policy‐makers, this process illustrates how universities can work with regions to catalyse regional development outcomes.

AbstractThis paper combines three major concepts: regional development platforms, business ecosystems and competitiveness policy. The framework of business and innovation ecosystems is gaining ground in the discussion of competitiveness and innovation policy. The framework challenges competitiveness and innovation policies because ecosystems are seen as highly self‐organising and self‐renewing systems. Is there still room for innovation and competitiveness policies? This paper focuses on ecosystem‐facilitating competitiveness policy at the regional level and argues that the emergence, growth and renewal of business ecosystems can be facilitated by a competitiveness policy focused on related variety platforms embedded in a regional innovation ecosystem. As a case illustrating this point, we present the strategic themes and development platforms in the Lahti urban region, which are constructed following the ecosystem theory. This paper contributes to the previous literature on regional development and innovation policy by presenting a policy framework for a modern competitiveness policy that is based on constructed competitiveness, development platforms and business and innovation ecosystem theory. For policy practice, this paper provides a real‐life example of a regional competitiveness strategy and the construction of a strategy that is based on the ecosystem frame.

AbstractAmid the Covid‐19 pandemic, the food and grocery delivery sector became a multibillion‐dollar industry, making riders with squared backpacks visible in our urban landscapes. We explore the role of quick delivery platforms in spatial production—and especially the strategies platforms employed and the tactics of platform workers in relation to this production. By adopting a Lefebvrian perspective, we introduce the concepts of 'strategies of spatial abstraction' and 'spatial tactics of resistance'. We argue that strategies of platforms such as territorialization and digital Taylorism homogenize spatial relations, while platform workers use tactics to resist and to negotiate their everyday lives mediated by platforms. We draw on vignettes from Barcelona and Berlin to illustrate the spatial implications of these strategies and tactics. Territorialization anchors platforms to urban locations through physical infrastructure, while digital Taylorism utilizes algorithms to standardize spatial practices. These strategies contain contradictions: territorialization reduces worker atomization, while digital Taylorism catalyzes worker resistance tactics, especially logistical resistance around the platforms' dark stores and warehouses. This article contributes to the growing body of literature on platform urbanism, revealing the complex and often contradictory nature of platform‐mediated production of urban space.