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Professor J.F.C. Harrison's recently-published book, Learning and Living, 1790–1960, underscores the sometimes neglected fact that strikes, agitation and political action are not the only ways to change a society, even though they are usually the most spectacular. For nearly two centuries multitudes of Englishmen put some of their faith in a number of less direct processes, all of which may be categorized as adult education. The men and women who devoted themselves to this work had different aims and used different methods, but all of them sought to educate grown men, particularly factory workers, and all of them believed their efforts would somehow make England a better place. This movement was not unique; in France, for example, something similar took place. Unfortunately, no one has studied the French movement as Professor Harrison has the English. Enough information on the history of worker education in France is available, however, to make possible a comparison of the movements in the two countries and thus help to confirm or bring into question some accepted propositions concerning differences in their political and religious attitudes and climates of opinion.

Main description: The essays in this volume engage a variety of inter- and intra-religious conflicts, ranging from the first to eighth centuries CE. The religious conflicts associated with the birth and development of Christianity, from the death of Jesus, to the Apostle Paul, through to the Patristic Era up to and including the beginnings of Islam, are well represented. Given the political and religious tensions in the world today, this volume is well positioned to find relevance and meaning in societies still grappling with the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.

1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Dated at end: March 26. 1657. ; Imprint from Wing. ; Professing loyalty to the Commonwealth--cf Thomason catalogue. ; Annotation on Thomason copy: "you are ye [illegible] forthwth and to keepe them by you [illegible] are called for-". ; Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt. Gregory Starrett. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 324 pp.

[20], 1234, [2] p. ; By Pierre d'Avity, sieur de Montmartin. ; Translation of: Estats, empires, et principautez du monde. ; The title page is engraved and signed: Ren: Elstracke sculpsit. ; The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. ; Reproduction of the original in Cambridge University Library.

In the chapter on character in his classic Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, first published in 1836, Edward Lane included a note on religious pride as one of the leading features of [Egyptian] character. I am credibly informed, he wrote, that children in Egypt are often taught, at school, a regular set of curses to denounce upon the persons and property of Christians, Jews, and all other unbelievers in the religion of Mohammad. Noting that these curses were recited daily in some of Cairo's government schools (but not those held in mosques), he quoted from an Arabic transcription given to him by his friend Richard Burton: O God, destroy the infidels and polytheists, thine enemies, the enemies of the religion.

During the Age of Revolution, abolitionist ideas interacted with notions of liberty, independence, and equality. Although slavery often served as a metaphor, in opposition to freedom, it also had tangible meanings for the enslaved. This study traces the development of revolutionary beliefs that connected reformers and abolitionists across the Atlantic world, as well as the rise of conservative ideologies that divided them. Democratic politics, religious enthusiasm, and abolitionism converged in the late eighteenth century, with significant implications for antislavery efforts. The French Revolution, in particular, represented the culmination of radical Enlightenment ideals and emboldened democrats in the United States, contributing to transatlantic cooperation on the issue of abolition. Social conservatives, in response to Jacobin terror in France and fears of spreading religious infidelity, expressed concerns over political extremism, which included abolitionism. Anti-Jacobinism divided the nascent antislavery movement, pushing some towards moderation and others to abandon the cause altogether in the interest of maintaining a fragile Jeffersonian coalition. Understanding the political and cultural responses to the transatlantic radicalism of the period is therefore crucial to comprehending the trajectory of the American abolitionist movement.