Suchergebnisse

There are significant points of similarity between considerations of self-harm and suicide in Buddhist and non-Buddhist traditions, including qualified acceptance of certain forms of self-harm, altruism as a motivation for suicide, and self-immolation as a form of political protest. Differences include specific contexts in which certain forms of self-harm are accepted and the predominant frameworks used to interpret such acts. The integration of Buddhist concepts of dukkha (unsatisfactoriness or suffering) and sati (mindfulness) into Western psychotherapeutic paradigms represents a significant point of convergence between the two traditions, and suggests the possibility of greater dialogue and therapeutic benefit in the future.

Background: Self-immolation is one of the most brutal suicide methods and is a significant social and medical problem throughout the world. Self-immolation is more common in low-income countries than in high-income countries. Aim: The aim is to evaluate the trends in self-immolation and examine its frequency in Iraq. Methods: The PRISMA guideline was used to conduct this systematic review study. We searched for publications in English, Arabic and Kurdish in PubMed and Google Scholar. A total of 105 publications were identified through the search; however, 92 were eliminated due to duplication and irrelevant content. Finally, 13 full articles were included for data extraction. The inclusion criteria were articles that investigated self-immolation. However, letters to editors and media reports on self-immolation were excluded. The retrieved studies were selected, reviewed and then quality assessed. Results: This study included 13 articles. According to the findings, self-immolation accounted for 26.38% of all burn admissions in the Iraqi provinces and the Kurdistan region, with 16.02% of those occurring in the middle and southern provinces of Iraq and 36.75% in the Kurdistan region. It is more common in women than in men, especially among young, married, illiterate, or poorly educated people. Sulaymaniyah had a higher percentage of self-immolation than other governorates in Iraq, accounting for 38.3% of burn admissions. Cultural and social norms, domestic violence, mental health problems, family conflicts and financial problems were identified as the most common causes of self-immolation. Conclusion: The prevalence of self-immolation is high among the Iraqi population, compared to other countries, particularly among the Kurdish population and in Sulaymaniyah. Self-immolation is relatively common among women. There are sociocultural factors that could contribute to this problem. Families must be restricted from having easy access to kerosene, and high-risk individuals should have access to psychological consultation to reduce the risk of self-immolation.

Self-immolation is a complex rhetorical gesture that confounds many traditional norms of analysis, because it is an act in which the rhetorical canvas is the body. In this dissertation I analyze mediated responses to self-immolation in order to account for when self-immolation is likely to influence an audience and prompt change in society. Based on my findings during this analysis, I constructed an appropriate theory based explanation to illustrate how and why self- immolation achieves widespread resonance in some cases but not in others. First, the self- immolation must be recognized as justified due to a widely perceived crisis. In other words, the audience of the self-immolation must be able to comprehend why someone would take such an extreme action. Second, the protest must resonate with the audience's values and cultural beliefs. Whether due to religion or some other factor, the mediated narratives of self-immolations must be framed in a way that generates identification. Third, the style and power of the government in charge of the self-immolator's community will have a significant influence on how the self- immolator's story is told. Following an introduction to this study and a description of the history and religious roots of self-immolation, I apply this theory to multiple cases of self-immolation. In Chapter Three I analyze self-immolations during the Vietnam War era. In Chapters Four and Five I analyze self-immolations in Tibet and the Arab Spring, respectively. Finally, in Chapter Six, I discuss the implications of this study.

Over the last twenty years, Tibetan protest against Chinese rule has transformed markedly, shifting in particular from the monastic protests by inmates of the great monasteries of Lhasa and Central Tibet to popular protest throughout the region and in particular throughout the Eastern Tibetan regions of Kham and Amdo, outside what is administratively called the Tibetan Autonomous Region. In the last three years in particular, the wide-scale protests and riots of Spring 2008 have been followed by a growing lineage of personal self-immolations, increasingly attended by the writing of personal testaments, the moral authority of which is gaining rapid ground both in Tibetan regions and amongst Tibetan exiles in India. These testaments call both for Tibetan independence and the return of the Dalai Lama, and for Tibetans across the region to come together in patriotic unity. Self-immolation is very much a novelty in Tibet, and it's place in the established post-1970s discourse of non-violence set up in exile by the Dalai Lama has led it to have a powerfully contested quality, with the Tibetan Government-in-Exile discouraging its use as 'extreme' (especially when carried out in democratic states like India, where several have also occurred) while celebrating the heroism of self-immolators themselves; by contrast, groups such as the Tibetan Youth Congress argue for the universal applicability of such protests because of a world political order, whether democratic or not, that colludes in the destruction of Tibetan culture and language within Tibet. This presentation for the South Asian Anthropologist's Group's 2012 workshop in Edinburgh is primarily an augmented briefing paper written for the Scottish Parliament's Cross Party Group on Tibet in summer 2012, which describes for parliamentarians the basic features of the self-immolations as described above. It also has a short introduction discussing particular aspects of the process by which such papers get written, and the kinds of argument and discussion that get left out.

In the summer of 1978, a Crimean Tatar man named Musa Mamut walked out of his home in a small village in the Crimea toward a policeman waiting for him at his front gate. He was to be taken to the station for questioning, and quite possibly arrested for "violation of the passport regime." But Mamut had already drenched himself with gasoline and, lighting a match, was engulfed in flames. He ran toward the policeman, who ran the other way. A deliveryman tripped Musa, and two friends who had been passing by extinguished the flames. His friends took him to the Simferopol city hospital, where he died six days later, never expressing any regret for what he did.

"Extreme conditions lead to extreme protest, and contradictions between the Buddhist-inflected rhetoric of non-harm and the agony of self-immolation have been accounted for variously. The interpreters create descriptions that reflect, select, and sometimes deflect the reality of the burning corpse, calling attention to a certain place and time. In this volume, John Whalen-Bridge applies Kenneth Burke's interpretive suggestions to the phenomenon of a Buddhist-inflected self-immolation movement. Tibet on Fire considers the possibility that the self-burnings could be interpreted as an extension of the struggle that constitutes part of what Kenneth Burke called a 'logomachy.' The volume seeks to: open up the possibility of multiple motivations, explain the significance of shifting contexts, and explore the pervasive substitutions in which the self-immolator and the Dalai Lama trade places in attempts to understand the Tibetan situation. "--