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In the past decades, international port cities have been strongly affected by global transformation processes, dramatically altering life and work around the ports, the built environment and public imagery of urban waterfronts. Based on recent theories of city-port development, the ethnographic studies in this volume focus on local stakeholders' 'perceptions and strategies in port cities in Europe and Latin America. This book covers a wide variety of urban fields, from traditional dockland communities, inland waterway sailors and new forms of migration and exile, to active agents of urban transformation.

Major point in the landscape, rivers served as an anchor to many cities. Uses (shipping, agriculture.) and protection policies participated to the normalization of their shores, threatening at the same time the continuity of the ecological corridor. In the middle of the ninetieth century, the decrease of waterway transport reveals the gap established between the town and the river. Now that cities step toward their rivers, it seems to be relevant to give back a high environmental quality to the banks, keeping the urban shapes. ; Éléments structurels du paysage, les cours d'eau ont servi de point d'ancrage à de nombreuses villes. Les différents usages associés (navigation, agriculture, .) et politiques de protection ont participé à la banalisation de leurs rives, menaçant par la même occasion la continuité de la trame verte et bleue. Vers la moitié du XIXe siècle, le déclin du transport fluvial révèle la frontière qui s'est établie entre ville et cours d'eau. À l'heure où les villes initient un retournement vers leur fleuve, il apparaît comme primordial de redonner une qualité environnementale aux berges, sans pour autant gommer les formes urbaines qui les structurent.

This article provides an overview of the Texas Gulf Coast as a port city region dedicated above all to oil and gas. By the late 1800s, the same trends in transportation and industry that encouraged ship channel construction around the world drew attention to schemes to transform the Gulf Coast's shallow bays and estuaries into inland deep-water harbors. An added factor in Texas was the vulnerability of Galveston and other coastal locations to hurricanes. Between 1902, when construction began on the 52-mile Houston Ship Channel, and the 1950s–60s, when a deep-water channel opened at Matagorda Bay along the mid-Texas coast, various levels of government—local, state, and national—combined to engineer one of the world's most elaborate navigation networks. Six deep-water channels were woven together by Gulf Intracoastal Waterway, which connected Texas to the Mississippi and beyond. During the years when these ports were taking shape, the Texas oil industry had begun to burgeon. In a reflection of the pre-Spindletop origins of Texas's deep-water movement, policy and planning continued to assume, until oil's dominance had become clear, that even the massive ship channels at Houston and Corpus Christi would serve mainly as outlets for agricultural commodities. It was the organizers of the state's petroleum sector who came to understand the Texas ship channels as exemplary locations for aggregating their diverse operations. This interplay between civil engineering and the energy sector made coastal Texas into a dynamic urban port region. Petroleum and petrochemicals, however, so thoroughly imprinted themselves on the landscape, economy, and life of Texas's oil port region that the region's post-oil future remained difficult to envision.

AbstractMost scientific attention on port studies centers on deep sea ports, especially container ports. In this paper, in contrast, attention is focused on the spatial–temporal development of inland waterway ports on the Midstream Yangtze River from 2001 to 2013. The aim of this study is to assess two relevant and complementary questions of the hinterland evolution: its geographical extent and the coordination relationship with the inland port. To conduct the study, it was necessary to first identify the boundaries of the ports' hinterlands within the given timeframe. Then, the coupling coordination degree model was introduced to explore the underlying relationship between the port service and hinterland economy. Furthermore, to better depict the intricate economic characteristics of the hinterland, the development stage theory was applied in the models. The results highlight the emergence of a discontinuous hinterland at Wuhan Port and its reinforcement of primacy with respect to fierce hinterland rivalry. It also demonstrates that an interplay between major ports and their corresponding hinterlands evolves from the transitional stage, characterized by lagging port service, to the multi‐stage, wherein the supply of ports partly outstrips hinterland demand.

"Often referred to as 'the Big Tomato,' Sacramento is a city whose makeup is significantly more complex than its agriculture-based sobriquet implies. In River City and Valley Life, seventeen contributors reveal the major transformations to the natural and built environment that have shaped Sacramento and its suburbs, residents, politics, and economics throughout its history. The site that would become Sacramento was settled in 1839, when Johann Augustus Sutter attempted to convert his Mexican land grant into New Helvetia (or 'New Switzerland'). It was at Sutter's sawmill fifty miles to the east that gold was first discovered, leading to the California Gold Rush of 1849. Nearly overnight, Sacramento became a boomtown, and cityhood followed in 1850. Ideally situated at the confluence of the American and Sacramento Rivers, the city was connected by waterway to San Francisco and the surrounding region. Combined with the area's warm and sunny climate, the rivers provided the necessary water supply for agriculture to flourish. The devastation wrought by floods and cholera, however, took a huge toll on early populations and led to the construction of an extensive levee system that raised the downtown street level to combat flooding. Great fortune came when local entrepreneurs built the Central Pacific Railroad, and in 1869 it connected with the Union Pacific Railroad to form the first transcontinental passage. Sacramento soon became an industrial hub and major food-processing center. By 1879, it was named the state capital and seat of government. In the twentieth century, the Sacramento area benefitted from the federal government's major investment in the construction and operation of three military bases and other regional public works projects. Rapid suburbanization followed along with the building of highways, bridges, schools, parks, hydroelectric dams, and the Rancho Seco nuclear power plant, which activists would later shut down. Today, several tribal gaming resorts attract patrons to the area, while 'Old Sacramento' revitalizes the original downtown as it celebrates Sacramento's pioneering past. This environmental history of Sacramento provides a compelling case study of urban and suburban development in California and the American West. As the contributors show, Sacramento has seen its landscape both ravaged and reborn. As blighted areas, rail yards, and riverfronts have been reclaimed, and parks and green spaces created and expanded, Sacramento's identit ...

"Often referred to as 'the Big Tomato, ' Sacramento is a city whose makeup is significantly more complex than its agriculture-based sobriquet implies. In River City and Valley Life, seventeen contributors reveal the major transformations to the natural and built environment that have shaped Sacramento and its suburbs, residents, politics, and economics throughout its history. The site that would become Sacramento was settled in 1839, when Johann Augustus Sutter attempted to convert his Mexican land grant into New Helvetia (or 'New Switzerland'). It was at Sutter's sawmill fifty miles to the east that gold was first discovered, leading to the California Gold Rush of 1849. Nearly overnight, Sacramento became a boomtown, and cityhood followed in 1850. Ideally situated at the confluence of the American and Sacramento Rivers, the city was connected by waterway to San Francisco and the surrounding region. Combined with the area's warm and sunny climate, the rivers provided the necessary water supply for agriculture to flourish. The devastation wrought by floods and cholera, however, took a huge toll on early populations and led to the construction of an extensive levee system that raised the downtown street level to combat flooding. Great fortune came when local entrepreneurs built the Central Pacific Railroad, and in 1869 it connected with the Union Pacific Railroad to form the first transcontinental passage. Sacramento soon became an industrial hub and major food-processing center. By 1879, it was named the state capital and seat of government. In the twentieth century, the Sacramento area benefitted from the federal government's major investment in the construction and operation of three military bases and other regional public works projects. Rapid suburbanization followed along with the building of highways, bridges, schools, parks, hydroelectric dams, and the Rancho Seco nuclear power plant, which activists would later shut down. Today, several tribal gaming resorts attract patrons to the area, while 'Old Sacramento' revitalizes the original downtown as it celebrates Sacramento's pioneering past. This environmental history of Sacramento provides a compelling case study of urban and suburban development in California and the American West. As the contributors show, Sacramento has seen its landscape both ravaged and reborn. As blighted areas, rail yards, and riverfronts have been reclaimed, and parks and green spaces created and expanded, Sacramento's identi ...

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Importance and Necessity -- 1.1.1 Regional Development -- 1.1.2 Transport Efficiency -- 1.1.3 Transport Investment -- 1.1.4 Sustainable and Human-Oriented Transport -- 1.1.5 Human-Land Harmonisation -- 1.1.6 Social Transformation -- 1.1.7 Transport Equity -- 1.2 Research Purpose and Analytical Framework -- 1.2.1 Purposes -- 1.2.2 Framework -- 1.3 Main Data Source -- 1.3.1 Data for National-Level Analysis -- 1.3.2 Data for City Cases -- References -- 2 China's Transport System -- 2.1 History of China's Comprehensive Transport Corridor -- 2.1.1 Rudimentary Stage -- 2.1.2 Initial Stage of Formation -- 2.1.3 Stage of Improvement -- 2.2 Fixed-Asset Investment in Transport Facilities -- 2.2.1 Highway Transport -- 2.2.2 Waterway Transport -- 2.2.3 Railway Transport -- 2.2.4 Air Transport -- 2.2.5 Logistics -- 2.3 Conclusion -- 3 Population Growth and Urban-Rural Structure -- 3.1 Population Growth -- 3.2 Dual Urban-Rural Population Structure -- 3.2.1 Formation of the Urban-Rural Dual System -- 3.2.2 Changes in the Urban-Rural Structure -- 3.2.3 Spatial Characteristics of the Urban-Rural Structure -- 3.3 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Family Structure, Gender and Education -- 4.1 Family Structure -- 4.1.1 Changes in Family Structure -- 4.1.2 Migrant Families and Family Employment -- 4.1.3 Fertility Policy in China and Its Impacts on Family Structure -- 4.2 Gender Structure -- 4.2.1 General Characteristics of Gender Structure -- 4.2.2 Spatial Characteristics of Gender Structure -- 4.3 Education Structure -- 4.3.1 Basic Characteristics -- 4.3.2 Gaps in Education -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- 5 Population-Based Service Level and the Accessibility of Transport -- 5.1 Spatial Match Between Population and Transport -- 5.1.1 Railway Transport Service Level Evaluation.

Part I: Introduction -- Chapter 1 Leisure, Tourism and Space; An Introduction -- Part II: Tourism, Specialisation and Competition -- Chapter 2 Ranking World Tourism Competitiveness. A Comparison of Two Composite Indicators -- Chapter 3 Smart Tourism Specialization to Outfox the Competition: An analytical framework -- Chapter 4 Key Geographical Factors for Inbound and Domestic Tourism in Hokkaido -- Part III: Tourism and Historical Heritage -- Chapter 5 Tourism, Leisure and Cultural Heritage: the Challenge of Participatory Planning and Design -- Chapter 6 Analyzing Tourists' Preferences For a Restored City Waterway -- Chapter 7 Space Invaders? The Role of Airbnb in the Touristification of Urban Neighbourhoods -- Part IV: Tourism Development, Sustainability and Resilience -- Chapter 8 Tourism and Economic Resilience: Implications for Regional Policies -- Chapter 9 Cross-border Sustainable Tourism Development for Busan-Fukuoka Megapolitan Cluster in Northeast Asia -- Chapter 10 Impact of Covid-19 in Tourism Regions. The Use of a Base Model for the Azores.

Urban flooding is a challenge for many parts of the world, and Caddo Parish, Louisiana, is no exception. Caddo Parish, located in Northwestern Louisiana on the banks of the Red River, has been the subject of intense flooding for decades, issuing widespread devastation to many areas of the parish. As waters from rain events and upstream reservoirs deluged the Red River, countless individuals and communities were affected. In addition to damage and destruction of homes and personal belongings, sectors of the economy were also impacted, notably agriculture and industry. Rising waters jeopardized public infrastructure, affecting commerce throughout the parish, particularly waterway systems. This report, prepared by graduate students of the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University, per request of the Caddo Parish Sheriff's Office, outlines policy solutions to protect the individuals and communities of Caddo Parish from future flooding.

This is a conference paper. ; Despite 85% urban residents in Indonesia using on-site sanitation, demand for pit emptying is low and there is a lack of empirical data on local conditions. The type of system, sludge accumulation rate and pit emptying frequency was analysed from 190 household surveys, measured content of 107 pits and government interviews in six Indonesian cities. The sludge accumulations rates were on the low end of existing literature, with an average rate of 25l/p.y. 83% of the sample were single pits with an unsealed base receiving only blackwater and 22% had an overflow to a waterway or drain. The majority of systems had never been emptied. First emptying at 45% sludge depth occurred after an average 16 years, however subsequent emptying occurred more frequently at 2-4 year intervals. Planning on the basis of actual sludge accumulation rates could lead to more viable pit emptying business models and appropriately sized treatment plants.

This thesis explores the relationship between water infrastructure, ecological change, and the politics of planning in New Orleans and the Mississippi River Delta, USA. Complex assemblages of water control infrastructure have been embedded in the delta over the last several centuries in an effort to keep its cities protected from floodwaters and maintain its waterways as standardized conduits for maritime transportation. This thesis investigates the historical development of these infrastructural interventions in the delta's dynamics, and shows how the region's eco-hydrology is ensnared in the politics and materiality of pipes, pumps, canals, locks, and levees. These historical entanglements complicate contemporary efforts to enact large-scale ecosystem restoration, even while the delta's landscape is rapidly eroding into the sea. This historical approach is extended into the present through an examination of how waterway standards established at so-called chokepoints in the global maritime transportation system (the Panama Canal, for example) become embedded and contested in coastal landscapes and port cities worldwide. Turning towards urban ecology, the thesis examines socioecological responses to the flooding following Hurricane Katrina in 2005, with a special focus on how infrastructure failures, flooding intensity, and land abandonment are driving changing vegetation patterns in New Orleans over the past decade. The thesis contributes new conceptual language for grappling with the systemic relations bound up in water infrastructure, and develops one of the first studies describing urban ecosystem responses to prolonged flooding and post-disaster land management. This provides insights into the impending planning challenges facing New Orleans and coastal cities globally, where rising sea levels are bringing about renewed attention to how infrastructure is implicated in patterns of ecological change, hazard exposure, resilience, and social inequality. ; At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Accepted. Paper 5: Manuscript.

Amsterdam ́s alternative urban spaces like the NDSM shipyard, De Ceuvel, De Nieuwe Anita, OT301, OCCII, Pakhuis Wilhelmina, Joe ´s Garage, Vrankrijk, and Paradiso are considered Amsterdam ́s rough, arty, free, naughty, best party spots. They are the places you go to after you have seen the canal district, the red-light district, the coffeeshops, the Rijksmuseum, and Van Gogh ́s paintings. These alternative places pose as Amsterdam ́s Berlin, even as Amsterdam ́s Christiania. There you breathe "the air of freedom." These spaces echo the flair of the 1960s countercultural movements, that occupied derelict buildings and turned them into underground hotspots. This retrospect takes us back to Amsterdam ́s Provo movement, and the transformation of its legacy: the hyper-organized and politicized squatter communities in the city center in the 1970s, their violent clearings in the 1980s, the occupation of the southern city docks in the 1990s, the squatters ́ jump over the waterway ́t Ij to Amsterdam North, and the subsequent creation of the contemporary cultural incubators like NDSM. ; publishedVersion

The Straits of Melaka have long played a central role in the history of Southeast Asia, from facilitating the movement of people, ideas, and commodities to marking the salty edge of states, empires, and sultanates. Networks, circulations, and mobilities have shaped our vision and understanding of this waterway. This article charts a different kind of story, one that explores the Straits not as a space of passage but rather as a place of production. It shows how and why these waters became an industrial fishing zone — an industrial estuary, as it were — in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through the case of Bagan Si Api Api, a Hokkien-built town at the mouth of Sumatra's Rokan River, it explains why estuaries and migrants were central to Southeast Asia's urban rise from 1870 to 1940. By looking at the Straits during this pivotal moment, the article reveals the ways in which ecologies, beliefs, technologies, and cultures all combined to shape not only the economic life of Southeast Asia's estuaries, but also, and more importantly, the place of these estuaries in the region's economic life.

Few mega construction projects have been on the drawing board for as long as Thailand's Kra canal. The idea of cutting a waterway across the Isthmus of Kra in the Upper South of the country that would link the Gulf of Thailand with the Andaman Sea—and hence the Pacific and Indian Oceans—was first proposed more than 300 years ago. Since then the project has been repeatedly revived, resulting in a series of expensive engineering surveys and feasibility studies, before being quietly dropped. The arguments for and against a Kra canal are longstanding and well-rehearsed. Proponents of the canal point to the economic and strategic benefits that Thailand would accrue. They argue that the construction of the 100-kilometre canal, and related industrial infrastructure such as ports, manufacturing plants and oil refineries, would create jobs for tens of thousands of Thai workers, stimulate the economy (especially during periods of economic downturn) and, over the long-term, generate a lucrative revenue stream from the collection of shipping tolls. Militarily, the canal would enable the Thai navy to move ships quickly from one coast to the other during times of crisis. In addition, a Kra canal would also provide a faster and thus cheaper route between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, thus providing a viable alternative to the increasingly congested and "pirate infested" Straits of Malacca. Detractors of the canal remain unconvinced. Their main argument is that a Kra canal is commercially unviable: that the massive construction costs could not be clawed back from toll fees as shipping companies would be reluctant to bear additional costs just to save two or three days sailing time (especially at a time when the price of oil is low)—a situation quite unlike the Suez and Panama Canals which save vessels weeks of extra time at sea. With regard to the strategic benefits, critics argue that Thailand faces no threats from its neighbours, a canal would cleave the country into two halves and thus embolden separatists in the Far South, and the ownership and operation of the waterway would inevitably become entangled in Great Power rivalry.

Las obras urbanas realizadas en el río Zahuapan de la ciudad de Tlaxcala a fines del siglo XIX y principios del XX, dan cuenta de un proceso de urbanización que tuvo lugar en una pequeña ciudad del centro de México, que no poseía una función económica relevante ni un crecimiento demográfico de consideración, siendo su principal atributo su carácter político-administrativo ser la capital del estado de Tlaxcala. Los trabajos realizados en la vía fluvial que pasaba por el noroeste y oeste de la ciudad, lograron contener su cauce para evitar inundación de la misma, y edificar sobre de ella puentes capaces de superar al río como obstáculo natural. El control del cauce y la habilitación para obtener agua potable y electricidad en las calles y edificios de la capital estatal, fue otra tarea que se llevó a cabo bajo la gestión del ayuntamiento de la ciudad, con una importante supervisión y soporte financiero del gobierno estatal, quien además avaló en su caso préstamos de la banca comercial. El objetivo de las mejoras materiales, como se le conocían a las obras urbanas en la época, fue modernizar a la ciudad de Tlaxcala, a la par de lo que sucedía en otros centros urbanos del país, destacados por su jerarquía económica, poblacional y política. ; The urban works carried out in the Zahuapan river of Tlaxcala city, in the late nineteenth and early twenty, describe a process of urbanization that took place in a small town called Tlaxcala, which didn't had an important economic function, and neither a population growth. lts main attribute was been the capital of Tlaxcala state, as political as administratively Works about the waterway that passed through the northwest to west of the city, managed to hold their course to avoid the flood of it, and built on it bridges able to overcome the river as natural obstacle. The river control and empowerment far drinking water and electricity in the streets and buildings of the state capital, was another task that was implemented under the management of the city council, with significant oversight and financia/ support of the state government, who a/so endorsed any loans from commercial banks. The purpose of the material improvements, as they were knew the urban works at the time, was to modernize Tlaxcala city, at he same time that was happening in other urban center in the country, highlighted by the economic, demographic and political hierarchy.