Suchergebnisse

This is a persona] account of an Aboriginal woman who went through the education system in Australia to obtain finally her law degree. Aboriginal people experience many hurdles in the education system. Many Aboriginal children feel alienated within the legal system which until recently focused on a colonial history of Australia, ignoring the experiences, indeed the presence, of indigenous people in Australia. The Australian government had a policy of not educating Aboriginal people past the age of 14. The author was one of the first generation that could go straight from high school to university. She speaks of the debt she feels towards the generations of her people that fought for her right to access to higher education. The author went on to become the first Aboriginal person to be accepted into Harvard Law School which brought different personal challenges and allowed for reflection on comparisons of the sensitivity towards race in both education systems. When the author returned to Australia, she took a position teaching at the University of New South Wales. She had to come to terms with working within a system that she had felt alienated within as a student. Her position at the front of the class has created a sense of empowerment that she can pass on to her Aboriginal and female students.

ABSTRACTThis article explores the British Empire's configuration of imprisonment and transportation in the Andaman Islands penal colony. It shows that British governance in the Islands produced new modes of carcerality and coerced migration in which the relocation of convicts, prisoners, and criminal tribes underpinned imperial attempts at political dominance and economic development. The article focuses on the penal transportation of Eurasian convicts, the employment of free Eurasians and Anglo-Indians as convict overseers and administrators, the migration of "volunteer" Indian prisoners from the mainland, the free settlement of Anglo-Indians, and the forced resettlement of the Bhantu "criminal tribe". It examines the issue from the periphery of British India, thus showing that class, race, and criminality combined to produce penal and social outcomes that were different from those of the imperial mainland. These were related to ideologies of imperial governmentality, including social discipline and penal practice, and the exigencies of political economy.

"The so-called land question dominates political discourse in British Columbia. Unstable Properties reverses the usual approach - investigating Aboriginal claims to Crown land - to reframe the issue as a history of Crown attempts to solidify claims to Indigenous territory. From the historical-geographic processes through which the BC polity became entrenched in its present territory to key events of the twenty-first century, the authors highlight the unstable ideological foundation of land and title arrangements. In the process, they demonstrate that only by understanding diverse interpretations of sovereignty, governance, territory, and property can we move toward meaningful reconciliation."--

Between the two World Wars, British Columbia was home to some 49 day schools for Aboriginal children, each averaging a population of about 16 students scattered across grades one to eight. By the early 1930s, some 825 youngsters were attending such schools. Little historical attention, however, has been directed toward the operations of Indian day schools, although a large literature has otherwise documented the devastating effects of the residential schools. A rich body of official correspondence and other sources describing the experiences of Anthony Walsh, a free spirited Irish war veteran who taught at Six Mile Creek and Inkameep day schools from the late 1920s to the early 1940s, presents an opportunity to examine the bureaucratic system that governed the day schools, the relationships that existed between agencies of church and state, not to mention the general myopia of the Department of Indian Affairs and religious authorities to the harsh realities of life on the reserves. Archival sources likewise disclose Walsh's considerable success both as a teacher and promoter of Aboriginal arts and crafts during the interwar years, as well as Walsh's role in a wider cultural movement that aimed at challenging government's social and educational policies for Aboriginal peoples. Although not immediately effective in changing the status quo, Walsh and his colleagues played an important part in sensitizing British Columbians and other Canadians to the value of Aboriginal art and culture in national life. ; Durant l'entre-deux-guerres, la Colombie britannique hébergea jusqu'à 49 écoles de jour destinées aux enfants autochtones, chaque école comptant en moyenne 16 élèves répartis de la 1re à la 8e année. Au début des années 1930, quelque 825 jeunes fréquentaient de telles écoles. Cependant, l'historiographie a fait peu de cas du fonctionnement des écoles de jour amérindiennes même si les effets dévastateurs des internats ont été largement étudiés. Une abondante correspondance officielle et d'autres sources décrivent les expériences d'Anthony Walsh, un ancien combattant irlandais au fougueux caractère, qui enseigna dans les écoles de jour de Six Mile Creek et d'Inkameep depuis la fin des années 1920 jusqu'au début des années 1940. Elles fournissent l'occasion d'analyser le système bureaucratique qui régissait ces écoles, les relations qui existaient entre l'État et l'Église, sans oublier la myopie habituelle du ministère des Affaires indiennes et des autorités religieuses à l'égard des dures réalités de la vie dans les réserves. Les documents d'archives révèlent également le succès considérable de Walsh en tant qu'enseignant et promoteur des arts et métiers autochtones durant l'entre-deux-guerres. Elles montrent aussi le rôle que joua Walsh dans un mouvement culturel plus large qui visait à remettre en question les politiques sociales et éducatives à l'égard des autochtones. Même s'ils ne parvinrent pas à modifier rapidement la situation existante,Walsh et ses collègues contribuèrent largement à sensibiliser la population de Colombie britannique à l'importance de l'art et de la culture autochtone dans la vie nationale.

The Conservative party under David Cameron's leadership has embarked on a series of foreign policy initiatives which appear to revise the political right's traditional reluctance to interfere in third-party conflicts with no obvious British interest. This article looks at whether this shift is substantial through an examination of Cameron's and William Hague's foreign policy pronouncements. Its particular focus is to discuss whether the Henry Jackson Society, a group of academics, parliamentarians and journalists, is exercising any influence over Conservative party foreign policy discussion. Finally, we consider how critics including individuals associated with the Henry Jackson Society have evaluated Cameron's and Hague's tentative interventionist convictions. It is suggested that the notion that idealism in foreign policy has to be conditioned by realism is actually a reworking of Blair's foreign policy, especially when applied to overseas intervention. (The British Journal of Politics and International Relations / FUB)

The Conservative party under David Cameron's leadership has embarked on a series of foreign policy initiatives which appear to revise the political right's traditional reluctance to interfere in third-party conflicts with no obvious British interest. This article looks at whether this shift is substantial through an examination of Cameron's and William Hague's foreign policy pronouncements. Its particular focus is to discuss whether the Henry Jackson Society, a group of academics, parliamentarians and journalists, is exercising any influence over Conservative party foreign policy discussion. Finally, we consider how critics including individuals associated with the Henry Jackson Society have evaluated Cameron's and Hague's tentative interventionist convictions. It is suggested that the notion that idealism in foreign policy has to be conditioned by realism is actually a reworking of Blair's foreign policy, especially when applied to overseas intervention.

AbstractThis paper shows how law enables right‐based versions of the sovereign to take root by studying how British sovereignty was fashioned over the Cape of Good Hope since its occupation in 1795. Challenging notions that sovereignty is predicated on an ability to except itself from law, the analysis shows how the emerging Cape sovereign was authored into being through its active insertion into crime‐focused legal practices.

Abstract: This essay addresses two unanswered questions on gender justice in postcolonial Francophone Africa. It asks why countries of Francophone Africa invariably occupy the lowest ranks in global gender equity tables, and why this underperformance continues to map onto the colonial geography of the continent three generations after the end of colonial rule. Existing sociological methodologies aimed at evaluating gender equity are failing to identify why gender inequalities in countries of the former French African empires remain more pronounced than in any other part of the world. Drawing from fieldwork and research conducted in countries across Francophone Africa, it is argued that the creation and persistence of such inequalities are better understood if evaluated in the context of the cultural histories of the regions in which they persist. As the cultural histories of the former colonies are still being written, the discussion incorporates new and emerging historical research on earlier studies of African women led by female researchers during the 1930s. These include the reports and correspondence of a substantial colonial tour commissioned by the French Socialist government of 1936 to record the social impact of colonisation on African women living in seven colonies of French West Africa. In addition, analysis of the records of two pioneering French researchers, the first women to conduct anthropological fieldwork in French Africa, is helping illuminate how gender has been perceived by colonisers in this part of the world, and combined with contemporary fieldwork and policy analysis, contributing to our growing understanding of why inequality persists in certain geographical contexts that share a colonial history, and why in the former colonies of French Africa, the path gender equity has been following differs from those observed in all other postcolonial developing areas to the point where the situation in Francophone Africa is historically unique.