中国民生问题中的结构性矛盾研究
In: National achievements library of philosophy and social sciences
In: Guo jia zhe xue she hui ke xue cheng guo wen ku
In: 国家哲学社会科学成果文庫
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In: National achievements library of philosophy and social sciences
In: Guo jia zhe xue she hui ke xue cheng guo wen ku
In: 国家哲学社会科学成果文庫
In: Chinese business review, Band 5, Heft 1
ISSN: 1537-1506
In: Chinese business review, Band 7, Heft 10
ISSN: 1537-1506
In: Chinese business review, Band 5, Heft 4
ISSN: 1537-1506
In: Portal: journal of multidisciplinary international studies, Band 4, Heft 1
ISSN: 1449-2490
This article analyses the social and political background of the rise of cultural nationalism in China since the end of the last century. It discusses two schools of cultural nationalism that are most influential today. It argues that the school promoting Confucianism as a state religion has an explicit political agenda of rallying the nation around the goal of building a rich and powerful China to ensure its national security in a competitive and hostile international environment. The article doubts that Confucianism can be easily reconstructed into a popular religion, and suggests that it is not an appropriate cultural symbol to advance the political goal these people pursue. The other school advocates the promotion of Chinese national culture in general, believing that its 'oriental characteristics', such as its emphasis on morality, altruism, and quietude, are powerful antidotes to the social and moral ills of modernity and post-modernity. Although it also aims at countering what it perceives to be the hegemony of Western culture, its main concern seems to be the spiritual health of the nation and its emphasis is on the cultivation of civic virtue among the people. The article concludes that the latter kind of cultural nationalism is not incompatible with the democratisation of China, nor is it necessarily anti-West.
This article analyses the social and political background of the rise of cultural nationalism in China since the end of the last century. It discusses two schools of cultural nationalism that are most influential today. It argues that the school promoting Confucianism as a state religion has an explicit political agenda of rallying the nation around the goal of building a rich and powerful China to ensure its national security in a competitive and hostile international environment. The article doubts that Confucianism can be easily reconstructed into a popular religion, and suggests that it is not an appropriate cultural symbol to advance the political goal these people pursue. The other school advocates the promotion of Chinese national culture in general, believing that its 'oriental characteristics', such as its emphasis on morality, altruism, and quietude, are powerful antidotes to the social and moral ills of modernity and post-modernity. Although it also aims at countering what it perceives to be the hegemony of Western culture, its main concern seems to be the spiritual health of the nation and its emphasis is on the cultivation of civic virtue among the people. The article concludes that the latter kind of cultural nationalism is not incompatible with the democratisation of China, nor is it necessarily anti-West.
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