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We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.

We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.

Deterioration of Hungarian democracy has weakened the rule of law since 2010. The changes that favour the executive power at the expense of the legislative one are implemented by National Assembly. The paper analyses the formal and practical outcome of the functioning of the Hungarian parliament (2010–2022), which meets the criteria of novelty by referring to only one of the parts of the political system, while many other researchers focus on global regime changes. The research aims to analyze how the Hungarian parliament introduces illiberal legalism. The main question refers to the role and position of the National Assembly in the process of deterioration of Hungarian democracy. The research methods are the legal analysis, neo-institutional approach and comparative method.

Japan is one of the countries with the most frequently changing heads of government in the world. The aim of this article is to examine both the structural and individual causes of this situation by using the example of the short term in office of Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide from 2020 to 2021. While such factors as strong ministerial sectionalism in the government, factionalism in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), high frequency of parliamentary and ruling party presidential elections, as well as consensual political culture made it difficult for prime ministers to remain in office for a longer period of time, the electoral and administrative reforms of the 1990s facilitated the heads of government to stabilize the government's social and party base of support. Nevertheless, the usage of the new institutional instruments to remain in power depended on the prime minister's ability to create his/her positive image among voters. This article analyzes why Prime Minister Suga, despite leading a stable ruling coalition in both houses of the parliament and having extensive experience in decision-making process, was unable to maintain the government's initially high popularity and resigned only one year after having formed his cabinet.

Wolności oferowane w społeczeństwach indywidualistyczno-demokratycznych cechuje wewnętrzna dwuznaczność: są one zarówno prawdziwe, jak i (częściowo) iluzoryczne. Mają one swoje źródło w świecie wyobrażeń, który, głosząc je, wymusza rzeczywistość, ale ta ostatnia nigdy nie osiąga pełni czystości głoszonych zasad. Poprzez dyskretne, przewrotne mechanizmy nowe ograniczenia wolności są wręcz masowo wprowadzane, co prowadzi do pozornego paradoksu produkcji norm, która przybiera znacznie większe rozmiary niż w starożytnych społeczeństwach. Nie ma w tym nic zaskakującego. Autonomia jednostki właściwa społeczeństwom demokratycznym z konieczności wywołuje społeczną aktywność, polegającą na wytwarzaniu różnych norm i regulacji, nieskończenie bardziej wzmożoną niż w społeczeństwie, w którym instytucje realizują swój ustalony program i kształtują jednostki zgodnie z nim. Wolność w społeczeństwach indywidualistyczno-demokratycznych jest iluzją, ale iluzją, która kreuje rzeczywistość. Jednostka, mniej wolna niż to sobie wyobraża, znajduje się jednak w centrum szeregu wyborów, który—przynajmniej teoretycznie—stale się rozszerza.

In last 20 years NATO has been changed considerably, the number of members has boosted, the area of NATO members has accrued, the engagement beyond area of NATO members has grown, the list of potential threats has been widen. Many authors try to indicate the directions of NATO development. There are some important indidvidual interests of NATO members. They may be achieved due to being a part of NATO. Many European countries are NATO members, these who are not, they can not be or do not want to be NATO members because of different reasons. The cooperation of NATO and European Union is very important for the future of NATO. Some strategic concepts and decisions can be made due to relations NATO–EU–Russia. The meaning of these relations are growing in accordance with economic, political and military development of China, India and Brazil. The only strong Europe and strong NATO can be the real partners for them. The new strategic concept of NATO is only the beginning of building new relations

Zsfassung der Beitr. in engl. Sprache

Zjawisko elektryfikacji transportu samochodowego jest coraz powszechniejsze i wydaje się nieodwracalne ze względu na nacisk związany z wdrażaniem zrównoważonego rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. Skala zmian jakościowych transportu samochodowego w tym zakresie jest na tyle duża, że staje się domeną całej Unii Europejskiej, a nie poszczególnych państw. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie trudności związanych z elektryfikacją transportu samochodowego. Uzasadniono, że ta gałąź transportu odgrywa także rolę w zmianach na rynku energii. Przemiany związane ze zrównoważonym rozwojem następują systematycznie, czego oczekuje społeczeństwo i organy regulacyjne UE, jednak trudny okres gospodarczy ostatnich lat spowalnia przemiany związane z rozpowszechnianiem elektromobilności. W procesie wdrażania elektromobilności znaczenie mają również infrastrukturalne uwarunkowania rozwoju transportu samochodowego, co wpływa na kierunek, siłę i skalę zmian jakościowych.