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AbstractIn May 1961, the firm of Longmans published the first volume of Norman Gash's monumental life of Sir Robert Peel. Mr Secretary Peel: The Life of Sir Robert Peel before 1830 was hailed at the time as a landmark and has proved surprisingly durable as an interpretation of Peel's early life and formation. This essay is concerned with locating Gash's work within its political, biographical, and historiographical context. It begins by considering the reaction of Peel family members to Gash's biography, before tracing the antecedents of his historical preoccupations and intellectual development in the years leading up to the publication of Mr Secretary Peel. It presents a wide range of new evidence relating to Gash's life and emergence as a political and parliamentary historian, drawing upon sources which have come to light in the decade since his death in May 2009.

Abstract
A review of Benny Morris and Dror Ze'evi's The Thirty-Years Genocide deals with the experience of Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek minorities in late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey. The thesis of a long genocide challenges the international law concept of genocide while reopening a line of interpretation of long-standing persecution that is close to Christian memory, but far from contemporary historians' emphasis on political decision-making. The review specifically deals with the Assyrians who were less of a passive victim than Morris and Ze'evi maintain.

AbstractThe 4th duke of Newcastle (1785–1851) is recognized as one of the most prominent peers with electoral influence in early‐19th‐century Britain. This essay considers the way in which he deployed that influence and the purposes to which it was turned. The essay explains why Newcastle became a leading symbol of the campaign for parliamentary reform and details the nature of his opposition to the bill which eventually became the 'Great' Reform Act of 1832. In some respects, Newcastle was an atypical electioneer, because he was less overtly concerned with the desire for office, patronage, or income. On the other hand, the methods by which that influence was deployed, and the anti‐reform purposes to which it was turned, meant that he was inevitably numbered among the reactionary forces opposing political change in this period.

The fourth duke of Newcastle (1785-1851) is recognised as one of the most prominent peers with electoral influence in early-19 th century Britain. This article considers the way in which he deployed that influence and the purposes to which it was turned. The essay explains why Newcastle became a leading symbol of the campaign for parliamentary reform and details the nature of his opposition to the Bill which eventually became the 'Great' Reform Act of 1832. In some respects, Newcastle was an atypical electioneer, because he was less overtly concerned with the desire for office, patronage or income. On the other hand, the methods by which that influence was deployed, and the anti-reform purposes to which it was turned, meant that he was inevitably numbered amongst the reactionary forces opposing political change in this period.

© 2016 University of Birmingham. This article explores Nottingham's ambivalent attitude to the battle of Waterloo, which concluded hostilities between England and France in June 1815. It poses a contrast between Nottingham's muted reaction to Waterloo and the town's exuberant commemoration of the general peace between England and France the year before. The article considers different reasons for this, including Nottingham's response to earlier set-piece battles on the continent and its reaction to domestic political events. The article explores Nottingham's commitment to radical politics before 1815, as symbolized in its continued petitioning of parliament, and its patriotic commitment to the defeat of Napoleon Bonaparte. The article argues that it was the disappointment of the town's hopes for economic relief, following the end of hostilities in 1814, combined with fears of a further prolonged period of conflict and delays to parliamentary reform, which helps to explain the town's attitude during Napoleon's 'Hundred Days' (March-June 1815) and after Waterloo.

The Assyrian Genocide involved many non-Armenian Christian groups native to eastern Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia. Among them were the Assyrian Church of the East, the Chaldean Church, the Syriac Orthodox, and some smaller sects. Massacres and ethnic cleansing culminated during the summer and fall of 1915. Using archival documents from the Prime Ministerial Ottoman Archive (Istanbul) and the Military History and Strategic Studies Directorate Archives (Ankara), this article discusses the involvement of the Young Turk government and the Ottoman army in two extreme cases of Assyrian resistance. It then takes up possible explanations as to why these groups were targeted.

This article considers the Dukeries estates of north Nottinghamshire in the hey-day of aristocratic power and prestige, from the mid-Georgian to the mid-Victorian period. It poses a contrast between visitors' impressions of the area as one of constancy and continuity, a point of reassurance in an age of political and social upheaval, and the reality of internal changes from within. Closely crowded as these estates were, their aristocratic owners competed with one another to fashion the most economically viable and aesthetically pleasing symbol of status and power. The article pays close attention to the hold which picturesque principles exercised on individual owners and considers the role of plantation, animals and water in parkland management and improvement. Finally, the article considers the extent to which the estates were sites of contestation; owners attempted to keep unwanted plebeian incursions at bay, whilst carefully controlling access on set-piece occasions such as coming-of-age festivities.