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In this article the author analyzes the dialectical interdependence of capitalism and plutocracy. The definition of plutocracy is proposed. The author reveals two important and diametrically opposed trends in how various segments of the ruling elites in modern states define their values and, accordingly, what specific practical actions they take. Attention is focused on the fact that the pro-Western, which is very active in our country, consists not only of liberal-minded people of creative professions, but also individual representatives of power structures. The author expresses strong support for a part of the domestic establishment and the associated patriotic intelligentsia that aim at a comprehensive revival of the power of Russia. At the same time, the author is sure that in order to achieve victory over the collective West the mobilization of all institutions of the state and society, understood in a broad sense, is necessary, which is impossible without abandoning the substantial political, economic, spiritual and moral foundations of the bourgeois system.

This paper explores the Estonian vision of Baltic identity. Estonia's authorities have repeatedly articulated their scepticism towards the concept of a stand-alone 'Baltic region' and the inclusion of Estonia in it, preferring to position their state as a Nordic country. Yet, in numerous cases, they have clearly labelled Estonia as a Baltic State. To identify the contexts and meanings labelling the country as a Baltic State, this contribution provides a content analysis of official speeches given by Estonia's political leadership. It is concluded that, despite the visibility of socioeconomic issues in the discourse, the most comprehensive image of Estonian 'Balticness' is constructed by interconnected narratives built around the Soviet past and the 'security threats' associated with Russia. The theoretical framework of regionalism, which allows one to consider the Baltics as a social construct rather than a set of material factors, provides an additional explanatory model.

The textbook for bachelor's degree, prepared by the author's team of the Department of Constitutional and Municipal Law of Kutafin University (MSAL), is reviewed. Its novelty and scientific and practical significance are shown. The contribution of the author's team to the development of the training of lawyers is emphasized.

"Wealth exists only for the benefit of mankind. It cannot be measured adequately in yards or in tons, nor as equivalent as so many ounces of gold; its true measure lies only in the contribution it makes to human well-being. Now, when bricks and sand and lime and wood are built up into a house, they constitute a greater aggregate of wealth than they did before; even though their aggregate volume is the same as before; and, if the house is overthrown by an earthquake, there is indeed no destruction of matter; but there is a real destruction of wealth, because the matter is distributed in a manner less conducive to human well-being. Similarly, when wealth is very unevenly distributed, some have more of it than they can turn to any very great account in promoting their own well-being; while many others lack the material conditions of a healthy, clean, vigorous and effective family life. That is to say the wealth is distributed in a manner less conducive to the well-being of mankind than it would be if the rich were somewhat less rich, and the poor were somewhat less poor; and real wealth would be greatly increased, even though there were no change in the aggregate of bricks and houses and clothes and other material things, if only it were possible to effect that change without danger to freedom and to social order"--

This contribution explores François Debrix's Re-Envisioning Peacekeeping on the question of radical alterity. I argue that Debrix presents a unique and prescient analysis of alterity in the context of the war in Bosnia that highlights an ideological aspect of late twentieth century 'disciplinary neoliberalism'. For Debrix, the visualization and representation of genocidal racial violence in Bosnia becomes a form of seductive voyeurism. As I argue, this also opens up the possibility of imagining forms of microfascism circulating within the West itself as a way of reigniting the political in the face of a depoliticized world. Debrix's Re-Envisioning Peacekeeping helps us situate the proliferation of contemporary forms of neo-fascism in this ideological legacy of the late 1990s 'End of History'.

AbstractBoth quantitative and qualitative research has provided evidence of a fashion system with principled aesthetic transitions. Previous theories of coordination have been proposed at the level of collective behavior, but monopolistic competition at the industry level looms large. Designers and suppliers around the world have the difficult task of anticipating uncertain consumer demand. How are multiple layers of futurework coordinated through global value chains? Drawing on 11 months of ethnographic data from first-tier suppliers in India, I document the role of forecasting in buyer–supplier coordination. I describe the contents of forecasts and show how designers use organizational routines to balance competing requirements for conformity and differentiation. Most importantly, I argue that forecasting information is filtered through calculative spaces and the logic of uncertainty absorption. The consequences of transnational futurework resonate not only through finance and technological innovation, but through aesthetics and embodiment.

Catholic economics is the interdisciplinary pursuit of joining Church teaching with economic science. The Church and its leaders, the Pope and Bishops, are primarily concerned with the salvation of souls and their general welfare, or the common good, and as such govern and guide the faithful to that end. Catholic scholars seeking to apply those teachings are free to and do debate the merits of particular policies or institutions. Catholic economists also question particular economic theories that contrast with Church teaching, especially with regard to human nature. This article examines these core elements of the Catholic Economics school of thought.JEL Classifications: A12, I31, Z12

Экономика Тувы в советское время, с 1944 по 1991 гг., развивалась высокими темпами. За счет государственных инвестиций создавались предприятия и целые отрасли производства, были намечены контуры специализации республики. Экономические показатели были выше, чем в среднем по стране. Созданная производственная инфраструктура — транспортная, энергетическая, инженерная — используется без серьезной реконструкции в течение многих лет.Однако хозяйство Тувы благополучно функционировало только в условиях директивного планирования, государственного регулирования цен, потоков ресурсов и товаров, других атрибутов социалистической плановой экономики. Эти проблемы наряду с особенностями хозяйства обусловили неустойчивость экономики Тувы.Анализ экономических достижений и проблем советской Тувы, сложившихся в тот период, позволяет извлечь уроки, которые следует учесть при разработке долгосрочных программ. Хотя действие программных документов, принятых в начале 2000-х годов, в частности, Стратегии социально-экономического развития Республики Тыва до 2020 года (2007 г.) еще не завершилось, экономическая конъюнктура, конфигурация действующих в Туве основных хозяйствующих субъектов изменились таким образом, что возникла необходимость обновления долгосрочной стратегии социально-экономического развития. Некоторые проявившиеся еще в советское время проблемы усугубились, другие превратились в свою противоположность. Формируемые в Туве доходы консолидированного бюджета, как и в советское время, не позволяют в полном объеме обеспечивать функционирование социальной сферы. Очевидно, что большая часть применяемых в советский период механизмов развития экономики в настоящее время не действует и необходимо применение иных организационных и финансовых инструментов.Источниками для написания статьи выступили официальные издания органов статистики Республики Тыва, а также материалы региональных научно-практических конференций и совещаний, посвященных социально-экономическому развитию Тувы.

The centenary of the genocide of the Ottoman Armenians was commemorated in 2015 by the world‐wide Armenian diaspora community, as well as within Armenia itself. This article critically examines the ways in which the memory of the genocide of the Armenians has been framed in terms of race, with Western observers from 1915 on applying racialized discourses to the Ottomans and the events of the Armenian genocide. The article considers the evolution of notions of "racial extermination" and racial incompatibility and incommensurability in the era of imperialism prior to and during the First World War, and draws attention to the nexus between imperial revisionism, global politics and genocidal racial violence. Finally, the article considers the links between the Armenian genocide and the genocidal politics of the Nazi regime.