Vincere la paura: la @mia vita contro il terrorismo islamico e l'incoscienza dell'Occidente
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In: Logiques sociales
In: Dialogues in urban research
ISSN: 2754-1258
This paper contrasts urban sustainability policies in France and the UK, revealing significant differences in their approaches to climate action and urban mobility. France's policies, such as tripling SUV parking fees and promoting the 15-min city concept, aim to reduce carbon emissions and improve livability by encouraging walking and cycling, reflecting a commitment to sustainable mobility and environmental equity. In contrast, the UK's extension of a 5p fuel duty cut benefits wealthier, multiple-vehicle owners, showing a different prioritization. With urban populations rising globally, the necessity for sustainable urban planning becomes increasingly critical. This analysis demonstrates how France and the UK's divergent strategies underscore the importance of integrating sustainability and equity into urban policy to mitigate environmental impact and enhance urban livability, advocating for a reevaluation of long-term urban development and sustainability impacts.
In: African Journal of International Affairs, Band 8, Heft 1 & 2
ISSN: 0850-7902
In traditional Moroccan political thought, the word ra'iya is commonly used todescribe those who are governed and also to define their obligations towardsthe sultan. Ra'iya, as object of the sultan's power, must first and foremost refrainfrom any political action, as written in the political literature. of thesultanate. The use of such a concept is in consonance with a given conceptionof political space; it is a specific vision of the relationship between the state andsociety. In the whole sultanian political literature, there is no mention of thewords 'people' 'nation', citizen', which are concepts belonging to another socialand political context. This traditional approach dominated Moroccan politicalthought up to at least the end of the nineteenth century. It is in contrast to theGreek thought which sees the citizen as the foundation of the city state. Indeed,the spirit of this approach excludes the Greek political concepts, which werethen revived and disseminated by Renaissance Europe; Moroccan thinkers seekto position themselves vis a vis this new conception of politics. Abdallah Laroui,a great thinker, is surprised that in the nineteenth century, Moroccan thinkersdid not contribute any thing new to the classics, contenting themselves withquoting Aristotle's famous 'circular law' to address critical problems. Thesechanges were reinforced by the first constitutional acts (1906/1908), and alsowith the writings of a few Moroccan reformist and Salafist authors. This paperanalyses the strategy followed by Moroccan political thinkers, in reconcilingthemselves with a new conceptual system. Was it partially or totally rejected?Was there an attempt at endogenisation? Is it about accommodating theseconcepts or of swallowing up 'indigenous' concepts? In a nutshell, the paperfollows the evolution of the concept of ra'iya (subjects).
In: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 189-208
ISSN: 1938-1514
How do anti-sexual violence groups form and sustain their activism under autocratic regimes? Using the case of the anti-sexual violence groups that emerged online in Egypt in 2020, I investigate the role of emotions in sustaining the movement in the absence of political opportunities, organizational resources, and frame resonance. Drawing from the literature on emotions and social movements, I apply an analytical framework consisting of three concepts, emotion work, emotional opportunities, and emotional transformation. I show how the emotional work carried out by the online groups, and the emotional opportunities inherited from former movements have played a role in mobilizing survivors of sexual violence and transforming the emotional culture around the issue. The data were collected by carrying out interviews with founders and followers of key online accounts supplemented by a review of the groups' online posts and the public prosecutors' statements. The article adds to the existing literature on social movements by demonstrating the mechanisms through which emotions matter and affect movements.
In: Politics & gender, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 734-755
ISSN: 1743-9248
World Affairs Online
In: Alexandria science exchange journal: an international quarterly journal of science and agricultural environments, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 1427-1441
ISSN: 2536-9784
In: Journal of Middle East women's studies: JMEWS ; the official publication of the Association for Middle East Women's Studies, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 433-441
ISSN: 1558-9579
In: Politics & gender, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 734-755
ISSN: 1743-9248
AbstractUsing the case of women's unveiling during the 2011 Egyptian uprising, I investigate how momentous political events have transformative impacts beyond the overtly "political" sphere of policies and institutions. I trace the choice to unveil among some women protesters to their involvement in collective action and show the different mechanisms that led to their decision. Specifically, I identify three pathways to unveiling: shifts in political opportunities, innovations in the repertoires of contention and the framing of unveiling, and exposure to new mobilizing structures and networks. The data for this project build upon original field research and interview data with women who removed their hijab during the 2011 Egyptian uprising. The article adds to the literature on gender and contentious politics by demonstrating the gendered effects of political opportunity structures on women's choices around veiling.
In: Digest of Middle East studies: DOMES, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 380-396
ISSN: 1949-3606
AbstractWhat are some of the effects of women's participation in the 2011 Egyptian uprising on their personal biographies? A small body of feminist scholarship has examined how gender mediates the consequences of social movement participation for women. These studies have largely focused on participants' experiences under Western democracies and within women's movements, yet we know less about the impact of participation on women protestors in Arab autocracies. Using the case of the 2011 Egyptian uprising, the study demonstrates how women's participation in the uprising has influenced their personal biographies in the absence of opportunities and resources. I focus on two examples from women's biographies: women's decision to remove the hijab and to leave their family homes and the decision by some protestors to change their careers and work in the area of women's rights. Drawing from the literature on gender and the consequences of social movements, I apply an analytical framework consisting of two key mechanisms: women's experiences during contention and their exposure to new critical networks. Building on 20 interviews with former protestors and activists, I show how women's encounters with gender‐based violence in protests and exposures to new social and political networks influenced their personal and professional lives. The article contributes to the growing literature that has sought to explain the transformative impacts of social movements beyond the overtly "political" sphere of policies.
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 136, Heft 2, S. 397-398
ISSN: 1538-165X