Political Institutions and Constrained Response to Economic Sanctions
In: Foreign policy analysis, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 255-274
ISSN: 1743-8594
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In: Foreign policy analysis, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 255-274
ISSN: 1743-8594
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 52, Heft 6, S. 916-944
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 52, Heft 6, S. 916-944
ISSN: 1552-8766
While a great deal of attention has been to paid to whether or not economic sanctions work, less energy has been devoted to exploring the causal mechanisms that lead to the success or failure of sanctions policies. Often, it is assumed that the population is one important source of political costs for targeted leaders, but this assumption has not been tested. Are sanctions related to an increase in antigovernment activity? How does the domestic political system of the targeted state affect the likelihood of this antigovernment behavior? The findings presented here suggest that sanctions may increase antigovernment activity, but that increase is mitigated by the domestic political structures of the target state. In autocratic targets, political violence is less likely to occur when sanctions are in place. For sanctions against autocratic states to be costly, it appears that the political costs needed to alter behavior must be generated internationally rather than domestically.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 51, Heft 1, S. 112-133
ISSN: 1552-8766
Advancements in technology coupled with the perception of diminished public tolerance for casualties have increased the prominence and popularity of aerial bombing as a coercive tool, particularly for the United States. Despite interest from policy makers and support from the public, there has been little scholarly assessment of these coercive episodes. How successful are air campaigns, and what are the prospects for the future? In this article, I focus on the factors that cause bombing campaigns to end. To explore what leads to campaign termination, I highlight the theoretical significance of the political characteristics of both the attacker and the adversary. Using competing risks duration analysis to examine both failed and successful bombing campaigns from 1917 through 1999, I find that a democratic government on either side of the coercive equation increases the likelihood of campaigns ending.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 51, Heft 1, S. 112-133
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
World Affairs Online
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 117-138
ISSN: 1547-7444
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 117-138
ISSN: 0305-0629
In: International journal of social welfare, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 261-273
ISSN: 1468-2397
Multiple global trends are putting pressure on governments to develop policies and programmes that meet the needs of families with children aged 0–3. This cross‐national analysis focuses on policies and programmes of parental leave and childcare in the United States, Sweden and Japan. Cross‐national studies of early childhood education and care are reviewed. National profiles are provided of demographic, economic, political and socio‐cultural characteristics and of parental leave and childcare policies and programmes. Policies and programmes are compared in relation to equity of coverage and support of basic parental childrearing and child‐protection responsibilities. Issues raised highlight the need for unified programmes and policies, and continuing global dialogue regarding the needs of this population.
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 86, Heft 2, S. 511-512
ISSN: 1548-1433
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 181-189
ISSN: 1547-7444
In: Labour history: a journal of labour and social history, Heft 41, S. 118
ISSN: 1839-3039
Even after seventy-five years, the UN Security Council meets nearly every day. They respond to a range of threats to international peace and security, but not all threats. Why does the Security Council take up some issues for discussion and not others? What factors shape the Council's actions, if they take any action at all? Adapting insights from legislative bargaining, this book demonstrates that the agenda-setting powers granted in the institutional rules offer less powerful Council members the opportunity to influence the content of a resolution without jeopardizing its passage. The Council also decides when to conduct public or private diplomacy. The analysis shows how external factors like international and domestic public reactions motivate grandstanding behaviors and shape resolutions. New quantitative data on meetings and outside options provide support for these claims. The book also explores the dynamics of the formal analysis in three cases: North Korean nuclear proliferation, the negotiations leading up to NATO bombing in Serbia over Kosovo, and the elected member-led process to codify the principles of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The book argues that while the powerful veto members do have great influence over the Council, the rules of the most consequential security institution influence its policy outcomes, just as they do in any other international institution.
World Affairs Online
In: Oxford scholarship online
In: Political Science
Why does the United Nations Security Council take up some issues for discussion and not others? What factors shape the Council's actions? With insights from legislative bargaining, this book explores the agenda-setting powers granted in the institutional rules and the international and domestic factors motivating behaviour and shaping resolutions.
Service providers are increasingly called upon to serve clients at home, a setting even a seasoned professional can find difficult to negotiate. From monitoring the health of older populations to managing paroled offenders, preventing child abuse, and reunifying families, home-based services require models that ensure positive outcomes and address the ethical dilemmas that might arise in such sensitive contexts.The contributors to this volume are national experts in diverse fields of social work practice, policy, and research. Treating the home as an ecological setting that guides human develo
World Affairs Online