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We suggest a methodology that combines a refined conceptual approach with a theoretically-inspired empirical assessment, to analyse how Sinicised Marxist theory as well as practice has invariably emphasised Marx's philosophy of history, rather than any version of Marxist egalitarian political philosophy, and therefore developed a culturally distinctive version of Marxism as totalitarian and subsequently authoritarian (rather than democratic) socialism. We argue that Chinese socialism has appropriated and applied socialist ideals to China's post-cultural-revolution development into an economic reform agenda without political transition. We suggest that China today runs an ethically and politically problematic regime under which the people enjoy neither sufficient social justice nor decent community values. Such lack of equality and community represents a major inherent contradiction of "socialism with Chinese characteristics," which has to accept and even accommodate increasing inequality to drive future growth. This contradiction also makes the so-called Chinese Dream more one of national aggregate prosperity than a dream for the Chinese people.

We suggest a methodology that combines a refined conceptual approach with a theoretically-inspired empirical assessment, to analyse how Sinicised Marxist theory as well as practice has invariably emphasised Marx's philosophy of history, rather than any version of Marxist egalitarian political philosophy, and therefore developed a culturally distinctive version of Marxism as totalitarian and subsequently authoritarian (rather than democratic) socialism. We argue that Chinese socialism has appropriated and applied socialist ideals to China's post-cultural-revolution development into an economic reform agenda without political transition. We suggest that China today runs an ethically and politically problematic regime under which the people enjoy neither sufficient social justice nor decent community values. Such lack of equality and community represents a major inherent contradiction of "socialism with Chinese characteristics," which has to accept and even accommodate increasing inequality to drive future growth. This contradiction also makes the so-called Chinese Dream more one of national aggregate prosperity than a dream for the Chinese people. ; Za analizo sinizirane marksistične teorije ter prakse, ki je bolj kot katerokoli različico marksistične egalitarne politične filozofije poudarjala Marxovo filozofijo zgodovine in tako razvila kulturno razlikovalno različico marksizma kot totalitarnega in kasneje avtoritarnega (namesto demokratičnega) socializma, predlagamo metodologijo, ki izpopolnjen konceptualni pristop združuje s teoretsko navdahnjenim empiričnim ovrednotenjem. Zagovarjamo tezo, da kitajski socializem uporablja in si prisvaja socialistične ideje za program razvoja ekonomskih reform po kulturni revoluciji brez politične tranzicije. Menimo, da Kitajsko dandanes vodi etično in politično problematičen režim, ki ljudem ne zagotavlja niti zadostne družbene pravičnosti niti dostojnih vrednot skupnosti. Takšno pomanjkanje enakosti in skupnosti predstavlja pomembno inherentno protislovje »socializma s kitajskimi posebnostmi«, ki mora sprejeti in celo negovati povečanje neenakosti za doseganje prihodnje rasti. Tako imenovane »kitajske sanje« postanejo torej skozi to protislovje bolj sanje o skupni nacionalni blaginji kot pa sanje za kitajsko ljudstvo.

AbstractThis paper explores the structural changes in the international organization of automotive production since the early 1990s. We apply descriptive network measures to international trade data for the period 1993–2013 for three automotive component groups with different technological intensity, with the aim of understanding (1) how the automotive international trade network has changed since the beginning of the 1990s; (2) whether regionalization has increased over time; (3) how the role that rising powers play within and between regions interacts with regionalization patterns. Our findings suggest that the structure of trade has changed significantly over the last two decades in all components. The network for electric and electrical parts and engines has evolved to become more hierarchical, with a cohesive core tied to hangers-on in the periphery, while the opposite has happened for rubber and metal. Regionalization patterns also show important differences across components. Finally, we have found an apparent association between the strengthening of regionalization patterns and the role played by traditional players and rising powers.

We empirically analyze the host-country determinants of Chinese outbound foreign direct investments (ODI) in the period from 2003 to 2008, using disaggregated data by country and sector and distinguishing between State-owned enterprises (SOEs) and privately owned firms. Our results show that the pattern of Chinese ODI differs according to corporate ownership. Private firms are attracted by large markets and host-country strategic assets and are averse to economic and political risks when choosing investment locations abroad. Differently, state-owned enterprises follow the strategic needs of their home country and invest more in natural resource sectors, being largely indifferent to the political and economic conditions in the host countries.