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Abstract
This article conducts a preliminary examination of the "Long Twelfth Century" to gain a better understanding of the dynamic nature of the network and mechanism whereby trade overland and by sea was conducted in this important contact zone between China and Vietnam. Court-based tribute relations served as a focal point around which traditional Sino-Vietnamese political, economic, and cultural exchange revolved. With the shift from sea routes to overland connections in this period, it was trade issues, not tributary protocol, that would drive official Sino-Vietnamese exchanges in the early period of asserting and securing Vietnamese independence. Indeed, it was trade that stimulated relations throughout the period of the Song dynasty's decline.

This article draws from John Dewey's philosophy of education, ideas about democracy and pragmatist assumptions to explain how his articles for The New Republic functioned pedagogically. Taking media as a mode of public pedagogy, and drawing extensively from Dewey's Democracy and Education, as well as from his book The Public and its Problems, the article explores the relationships between communication, education and democracy using the expanded conceptions of all the aforementioned advanced by Dewey. Borrowing insights from Randolph Bourne, who used Dewey's own ideas to criticize his mentor's influence on intellectuals who supported US involvement in World War I, the analysis explores the contradictions within Dewey's public pedagogy. The article suggests Dewey's relevance as a public intellectual in the liberal-progressive press, his view of the State and some of his related presuppositions produced a tension in his thought, delimiting democratic possibilities while simultaneously pointing toward greater democratic potentials. The essay concludes by suggesting that learning from both Dewey and Bourne prompts us to get beyond the former's public/private dualism to realize what he called the "Great Community" by communicating and practicing the Commons.

This article draws from John Dewey's philosophy of education, ideas about democracy and pragmatist assumptions to explain how his articles for The New Republic functioned pedagogically. Taking media as a mode of public pedagogy, and drawing extensively from Dewey's Democracy and Education, as well as from his book The Public and its Problems, the article explores the relationships between communication, education and democracy using the expanded conceptions of all the aforementioned advanced by Dewey. Borrowing insights from Randolph Bourne, who used Dewey's own ideas to criticize his mentor's influence on intellectuals who supported US involvement in World War I, the analysis explores the contradictions within Dewey's public pedagogy. The article suggests Dewey's relevance as a public intellectual in the liberal-progressive press, his view of the State and some of his related presuppositions produced a tension in his thought, delimiting democratic possibilities while simultaneously pointing toward greater democratic potentials. The essay concludes by suggesting that learning from both Dewey and Bourne prompts us to get beyond the former's public/private dualism to realize what he called the "Great Community" by communicating and practicing the Commons.

Ethnocracy means 'government or rule by a particular ethnic group' or ethnos, specified by language, religion, 'race' and/or other components . It has been developed from a general imprecise label into an analytical concept sometimes contrasted with democracy or rule by the demos, the people in general. Primarily it was developed as national ethnocracy for regimes in contemporary national states which claim to be 'democratic', and it was mainy pioneered by the Israeli geographer Oren Yiftachel to analyse ethnically-biased policies and the asymmetrical power relations of Israeli Jews and Palestinians. However, it can be extended to several other contexts each of which has its own particular dynamics. Yiftachel himself extended it 'down' to city level and specifically urban ethnocracy; and we can further explore how cities and city government can moderate state ethnocracy. But going beyond the national and the urban, and the particularities of the Israeli case, the concept can be enriched in other ways, and I suggest three further extensions: firstly, 'back' to imperial ethnocracy which often preceded and gave birth to national ethnocracy; secondly, and more speculatively, it can be extended 'forwards' to the (usually mis-named) 'post-conflict' or power-sharing stages of 'peace processes', to what we might call shared or 'post-conflict' ethnocracy; and thirdly, it can perhaps be extended to contemporary religious-political conflicts which are at least partly transnational in character, to what could be called religious or 'post-national' ethnocracy. The five variants of ethnocracy and their varied inter-relations can help tie together different features of ethno-national conflicts. However questions remain: about, for instance, the variable and relative importance of ethnicity's different components; about where to draw the boundary between ethnocracy and democracy; and about possibly rival concepts such as 'ethnic democracy' on one side and 'apartheid' on the other.Keywords: national, urban, imperial, 'post-conflict' and 'post-national' ethnocracies; democracy; majoritarianism

Ethnocracy means 'government or rule by a particular ethnic group' or ethnos, specified by language, religion, 'race' and/or other components . It has been developed from a general imprecise label into an analytical concept sometimes contrasted with democracy or rule by the demos, the people in general. Primarily it was developed as national ethnocracy for regimes in contemporary national states which claim to be 'democratic', and it was mainy pioneered by the Israeli geographer Oren Yiftachel to analyse ethnically-biased policies and the asymmetrical power relations of Israeli Jews and Palestinians. However, it can be extended to several other contexts each of which has its own particular dynamics. Yiftachel himself extended it 'down' to city level and specifically urban ethnocracy; and we can further explore how cities and city government can moderate state ethnocracy. But going beyond the national and the urban, and the particularities of the Israeli case, the concept can be enriched in other ways, and I suggest three further extensions: firstly, 'back' to imperial ethnocracy which often preceded and gave birth to national ethnocracy; secondly, and more speculatively, it can be extended 'forwards' to the (usually mis-named) 'post-conflict' or power-sharing stages of 'peace processes', to what we might call shared or 'post-conflict' ethnocracy; and thirdly, it can perhaps be extended to contemporary religious-political conflicts which are at least partly transnational in character, to what could be called religious or 'post-national' ethnocracy. The five variants of ethnocracy and their varied inter-relations can help tie together different features of ethno-national conflicts. However questions remain: about, for instance, the variable and relative importance of ethnicity's different components; about where to draw the boundary between ethnocracy and democracy; and about possibly rival concepts such as 'ethnic democracy' on one side and 'apartheid' on the other.Keywords: national, urban, imperial, 'post-conflict' and 'post-national' ethnocracies; democracy; majoritarianism