Suchergebnisse

Geschichtswissenschaftliche Studien zum "Neuen Menschen" beziehen sich auf übergreifende Fragestellungen und breitere Forschungsfelder. Dabei sind die neuen totalitären Ideologien und modernen Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts besonders beachtet worden. Allerdings wurden Utopien eines Neuen Menschen auch in Demokratien entwickelt, die deshalb in diesem Beitrag ebenfalls berücksichtigt werden. Abschließend wird auf Defizite der Geschichtsschreibung hingewiesen.

AbstractDer Beitrag behandelt das Verhältnis von Zivilgesellschaft und Kapitalismus anhand des philanthropischen Handels wirtschaftsbürgerlicher Eliten in deutschen und amerikanischen Städten von den 1870er Jahren bis 1914. In beiden Ländern war das Stiften und Spenden wohlhabender Unternehmer eine Form der Patronage. Für ihre Unterstützung erwarteten die reichen Geber jeweils Anerkennung und Loyalität. Zumindest in den großen Städten war die Wirkung großbürgerlicher Philanthropie als Instrument der Patronage jedoch zusehends begrenzt. In den Vereinigten Staaten bildete sich zunehmend eine differenzierte Kultur zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements heraus. In Deutschland verengte besonders der Aufstieg des Wohlfahrtsstaates die Spielräume der Patronagephilanthropie, obwohl beides vielerorts koexistierte.

Este trabajo aborda el debate sobre la devolución de la propiedad agraria en la Alemania unificada. Al imponerse, en septiembre de 1945, la reforma agraria en la Zona de Ocupación Soviética de Alemania, los grandes terratenientes fueron expropiados. Aunque el Tratado de Unificación entre la República Federal y la República Democrática (31 de agosto de 1989) excluía la devolución de la propiedad, no ha cesado la polémica sobre su devolución o, al menos, el pago de una compensación adecuada a los antiguos propietarios y sus sucesores. Del mismo modo, los campesinos que habían entrado a la fuerza en las colectividades de la RDA en la década de 1950 acusaban ahora de fraude a los gerentes de las empresas privadas que surgieron de ellas. Distintas experiencias bajo la dictadura de Alemania oriental se mezclan con objetivos económicos y políticos en el debate sobre la devolución de la propiedad agraria en la actual Alemania unificada. ; This contribution deals with the controversy about the restitution of landed property in unified Germany. After land reform had been triggered off in the Soviet Zone of Occupation in September 1945, large estate-owners had been dispossessed. Although the Unification Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the GDR (31 August 1990) had excluded the restitution of property confiscated during the Soviet military occupation (1945-9), the debate over the restitution of the property, or at least a sizeable compensation for the former landowners and their offspring, has unabatedly continued. Similarly, peasants who had been forced to enter collectives in the GDR in the course of the 1950s have accused the management of the private successor enterprises of fraud. Altogether, different experiences in the East German dictatorship are intertwined with economic and political objectives in the debate about the restitution of landed property in unified Germany.

Abstract
In the 20th century, there were interactions with regard to the relationship between security and freedom in Europe in specific constellations as (symmetrical or asymmetrical) negotiation processes, and often also as conflicts about different perceptions, concepts and measures. A historical security research study with an interdisciplinary character must analyze this conflict within individual states, but also work out and explain the similarities and differences between the political cultures of different countries on a comparative basis. A consistent historization of "security" ultimately serves as a political-social self-understanding, but also as knowledge of the stranger and the other. Not only are new sensual spaces and spaces of experience opened up, but competence in intercultural dialogues is also conveyed.

In recent debates about transnational and inter-cultural approaches in historiography, crossborder relations have usually assumed a positive connotation for mutually enriching the parties involved. However, research on bilateral relationships between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism and of fascist movements in other European states demonstrate that transnational exchange is normatively ambivalent, i.e. it can comply with our aims, wishes and expectations or not. This contribution will present evidence for the attractiveness of Italian Fascism and German Nazism throughout Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. Beyond high politics, cooperation between fascists extended to other areas, like recreation and public relations. Nevertheless, fascist movements and regimes appropriated foreign doctrines and policies selectively in order to avert the charge of copying foreign models. They also stressed their nationalist credentials. Yet hypernationalism was deeply ingrained in fascist ideology, too. Thus, cooperation between European fascists was continuously hampered by mutual antagonism. Altogether, fascist nationalism and transnationalism were interrelated rather than mutually exclusive. Nevertheless, cross-border cooperation between fascist movements should not be underestimated or reduced to wartime collaboration.

AbstractThe article starts with analyzing the inherent comparative frameworks influencing the way Europe is usually mapped with regard to historical regions. Such regions have been frequently devised in terms of dualistic spatial and temporal concepts contrasting central vs. peripheral and "progressive" vs. "backward" entities. Rejecting these concepts, the study advocates a reconsideration of the spatial dimension in terms of "entangled history"/history of transfers, becoming more sensitive to the complex interplay between different regions. At the same time, the author rejects the one-sided application of "entangled history" as it absolutizes the interaction and excludes the possibility of structural analyses of the differences between transmitting and recipient societies. Therefore, he pleads for a creative combination of the comparative method with the more recent methodological precepts stressing transnational interaction.

In der DDR nahmen Recht, Markt und Geld im wirtschaftlichen Austausch und im Prozess der sozialen Interaktion nur einen geringen Stellenwert ein. Die - im Vergleich zu westlich-kapitalistischen Gesellschaften - geringe Geltungskraft dieser "differenzierten Rationalitäts-kriterien" wirkte sich nicht nur auf die Ausübung der politischen Herrschaft und die Ent-scheidungsprozesse aus, sondern auch auf die Allokation ökonomischer Ressourcen und die Ausprägung gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheit. So waren der Zugang zu Verbrauchsgütem - vor allem zu den begehrten Konsumgütem -, die damit verbundenen sozialen Differenzen und kulturellen Distinktionen in der Gesellschaft der DDR weitgehend nicht monetär bestimmt.