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AbstractThis study shows that although Norway and Sweden have rather similar family policies, the seemingly small differences that exist reflect different national ideals of care, and these differences encourage parents to employ different gendered moral rationalities. However, Sweden's ideal of 'equal‐sharing/professional care', encourages fathers to take longer leaves than the Norwegian ideal of 'partial sharing plus choosing between professional or parental care'. Given their different national ideals of caring, different gendered moral rationalities emerge. While in Norway the dominant gendered moral rationality among our interviewees is 'man‐doing‐his‐duty', in Sweden two different rationalities arise: the 'breastfeeding‐plus‐sharing' rationality and the 'male‐opt‐out'. This conclusion is based on 60 interviews with mothers and fathers in Oslo and Stockholm.

This article examines gender mainstreaming in Sweden, which is an interesting case because several favorable conditions make its implementation likely. It addresses two main questions: (1) to what extent has gender mainstreaming been implemented and (2) what are the consequences? The article first discusses the pros and cons of gender mainstreaming as reflected in the international feminist debate. It then briefly describes the favorable conditions of the Swedish case and subsequently maps out the introduction of gender mainstreaming since 1994, focusing on the process and its politics. It concludes with a discussion of the Swedish experience in terms of the promise and pitfalls of gender mainstreaming identified in the feminist debate and the implications of the Swedish case for feminist theorizing on gender mainstreaming. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Cet article examine l'application du gender mainstreaming en Suède, un cas intéressant car plusieurs des conditions propices à sa mise en œuvre y sont réunies. Il pose deux questions principales : 1) comment le gender mainstreaming est-il mis en œuvre ? et 2) avec quelles conséquences ? Après avoir exposé les arguments pour et contre le gender mainstreaming tels qu'ils ressortent du débat féministe international, l'article décrit ensuite brièvement les conditions favorables à son développement en Suède et précise les modalités de son introduction depuis 1994. Il conclut par une discussion sur l'expérience suédoise au regard des promesses et des écueils du gender mainstreaming tels qu'ils sont identifiés dans le débat féministe.

The question of whether the Swedish welfare state experienced retrenchment during the 1990s is addressed within the context of the nation's child care system. An historical overview of the Swedish child care system's development is presented, emphasizing the expansion of public child care between the 1970s & 1990s, & the emergence of sentiment that advocated the ability to choose between public & private child care during the 1990s. Data measuring public expenditures on child care & child care enrollment are analyzed to determine whether Sweden's system is universalist. The quality of child care offered to Swedish families & the extent to which the system has been privatized are also examined. The issue concerning whether the Swedish system has succeeded in providing care to single & cohabiting mothers, working- & professional-class employees, unemployed people, & immigrants is investigated. While certain aspects of the Swedish child care system have been restructured, it is concluded that others have remained unchanged. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 56 References. J. W. Parker

The question of whether the Swedish welfare state experienced retrenchment during the 1990s is addressed within the context of the nation's child care system. An historical overview of the Swedish child care system's development is presented, emphasizing the expansion of public child care between the 1970s & 1990s, & the emergence of sentiment that advocated the ability to choose between public & private child care during the 1990s. Data measuring public expenditures on child care & child care enrollment are analyzed to determine whether Sweden's system is universalist. The quality of child care offered to Swedish families & the extent to which the system has been privatized are also examined. The issue concerning whether the Swedish system has succeeded in providing care to single & cohabiting mothers, working- & professional-class employees, unemployed people, & immigrants is investigated. While certain aspects of the Swedish child care system have been restructured, it is concluded that others have remained unchanged. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 56 References. J. W. Parker

This article addresses the question of why male politicians continue to be relatively unlikely to act in favor of gender-equality policy change, despite the advances in gender equality in recent decades. Drawing together literature on men and masculinities, feminist institutionalism and women's substantive representation, we present a theoretical argument in which we distinguish between an internal and an external mandate to push for genderequality policy change. We argue that both these mandates apply to female politicians but not to their male colleagues. As a consequence, a gendered leeway exists: men have more leeway than women in political maneuvering. We illustrate this argument by analyzing high-ranked party representatives within the selflabelled feminist Swedish Social Democratic Party. This article contributes theoretically to the launching of a research agenda on the role of men in processes of gender-equality policy adoption. ; "So far, no further? Gender equality initiatives on the Swedish labor market"

AbstractThe rise of the adult worker family norm across countries of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development has created challenges for reconciling work and family life as the unpaid work of the female caregiver can no longer be assumed. The article compares childcare arrangements and maternity/parental leave programmes in Sweden, Australia and Canada that attempt to address these challenges. Sweden was an early innovator, establishing the 'gold standard' for such arrangements in the form of publicly funded, universally accessible, centre‐based childcare and generously paid parental leave, including a 'daddy quota'. Yet policy development remains open to contestation and change even here. Australia and Canada have shown a preference for market‐based solutions although each has taken steps towards Swedish style solutions. In particular, Canadian federalism has left space for such experiments at the provincial scale. The broader institutional arrangements embedded in each country have helped to shape the responses. Yet political contestation, enlivened by the transnational flow of ideas (and ideals), has played an important role in shaping the direction and velocity of change. In the first section we develop this argument, beginning with reflections on how to identify the significance of changes, then moving on to explore the role of institutions, actors and ideas in accounting for these developments. Subsequent sections examine developments first in Sweden then Australia and Canada.