Suchergebnisse

Neste artigo compara-se a distribuicao de renda na metropole e no interior do estado de Sao Paulo, em face da heterogeneidade produtiva que caracteriza a economia paulista. As diferencas na distrubuicao de renda sao confrontadas com as caracteristicas do perfil educacional dos chefes de familia e com as diferencas de genero e cor. As piores condicoes aparecem nas regioes de economia mais tradicional, marcadas por conflitos de terra. O vetor noroeste do estado, com agricultura bem-desenvolvida e industria moderna, apresenta as melhores condicoes de vida do interior. Verifica-se que o relativo bem-estar no entorno da metropole nao consegue se expandir para as regioes proximas. (Novos Estud CEBRAP/DÜI)

We present a historical analysis of transportation and urban development in São Paulo (Brazil), attempting to discern Granger causal effects using historical land-use and transportation data from 1881 to 2013. Our results align with the hypothesis commonly stated in the literature about the relevance of road transportation in São Paulo's peripheral urban expansion during the twentieth century. We find, however, more complex relationships, and changes in them, over time. Over the entire 130 years, we find that urban expansion and road development pushed and pulled each other, in a somewhat "orderly" way. On the other hand, while roads are not linked to densification, we find that mass transit infrastructure did lead to building densification. Distinguishing among distinct periods adds further insights. Examining São Paulo's "streetcar era" we find joint development of streetcar lines and urban expansion – evidence of joint development consistent with "streetcar suburbs." Streetcars also led to building densification during this early period. In subsequent decades, up until the mid-1970s, mass transit investments are virtually non-existent and road transportation essentially chases urban expansion, not vice versa. Finally, the last four decades reveal a return to "orderly" patterns of road expansion and urbanization but no evidence of mass transit infrastructure's effects on urbanization or densification. The analysis illustrates how transportation investment choices have important consequences for urban growth, exerting long-lasting influences on its urban form.

This paper analyzes the reverse coattail effect on Brazilian elections, a term originally coined by Ames (1994). More specifically, it deals with the ability of local party organizations to transfer votes to upper levels party candidates by concentrating on the causal electoral effect of electing a mayor over subsequent statewide proportional elections. To identify the effect of electing a mayor, it employs a regression discontinuity design (RDD) focusing on observations in which the electoral difference between the elected mayor and the runner-up is very tight. The use of a large dataset, covering elections between 1996 and 2010, allows exploring parties' heterogeneity inThis paper analyzes the reverse coattail effect on Brazilian elections, a term originally coined by Ames (1994). More specifically, it deals with the ability of local party organizations to transfer votes to upper levels party candidates by concentrating on the causal electoral effect of electing a mayor over subsequent statewide proportional elections. To identify the effect of electing a mayor, it employs a regression discontinuity design (RDD) focusing on observations in which the electoral difference between the elected mayor and the runner-up is very tight. The use of a large dataset, covering elections between 1996 and 2010, allows exploring parties' heterogeneity in both cross-section and temporal analyses. Main results show that the positive effect of electing a mayor on party performance in subsequent proportional election holds for the entire period. Another finding is that Brazilian parties show different capabilities in getting votes from their mayors, pointing that intra-party linkages may vary among parties. Finally, the impact of electing a mayor vary along the years.

RESUMO Este artigo retoma a apresentação de um novo indicador de concentração eleitoral sugerido por Avelino, Biderman e Silva em artigo publicado em 2011 na Revista DADOS e amplia seu uso para o conjunto dos candidatos do país nas eleições realizadas entre 1994 e 2014. Os resultados mostram de forma sistemática que os candidatos que conseguem se eleger são menos concentrados do que os candidatos derrotados. A originalidade principal reside no fato de que tal achado contraria as teses que assumem o predomínio do voto pessoal nas eleições proporcionais brasileiras.

There is current a large concern with corruption around the world as it may be one of the causes for lagging development. There is also a concern that corrupt government will succeed to stay in power using the money obtained in corruption activities to finance political campaigns. Consequently, corruption might jeopardize economic development for a long period of time and questions democracy. To test the consequences and causes of corruption we need to measure the phenomenon. Traditional measures rely on perception surveys despite the shortcomings of these measures. Field and natural experiments or even survey experiments are other alternatives to measure the phenomenon. In this paper we review the measures available in the literature and propose an index based on objective information from random audit reports. We show that this index is a tool to analyze municipalities in Brazil and that our index is consistent with expected (stylized) behavior, it is relatively easy to compute, and it is normalized between 0 and 1. ; Existe no mundo hoje em dia uma grande preocupação com corrupção. Há uma percepção geral de que a corrupção pode ser uma das causas para o desenvolvimento tardio. Também há uma preocupação de que governos corruptos seriam bem sucedidos em manter-se no poder utilizando-se do dinheiro obtido com atividades corruptas para financiar suas campanhas eleitorais. Consequentemente, a corrupção pode comprometer o desenvolvimento econômico por um longo período de tempo e também colocar em xeque a democracia. Para testar as consequências e causas da corrupção é necessário, antes de tudo, medir o fenômeno. As medidas tradicionais partem de pesquisas de percepção com todos os problemas relacionados a essa medida. Experimentos naturais e de campo, ou até experimentos com pesquisa de campo são outras alternativas para medir o fenômeno. Neste artigo revisamos as medidas disponíveis na literatura e propomos um índice baseado em informações objetivas de relatórios de auditoria aleatória. Mostramos que o índice ...

Over the last 15 years, several Latin American cities have adopted dry laws, which restrain the sale of alcohol in bars and restaurants during specific hours of the week. Bogotá, in 1991, was the first. Several more have followed suit, or are likely to do so in the near future. Policy makers and the general press have argued that these measures reduce crime. In this paper, we use a particular feature of the adoption of laws in the São Paulo Metropolitan Area (SPMA) to estimate the effect of dry laws on the ultimate form of violent crime: murder. Between March 2001 and August 2004, 16 out of the 39 municipalities of the SPMA have adopted, at different dates, dry laws. By comparing the dynamics of homicide between adopting and non-adopting cities, we estimate that dry laws reduce homicides by at least 10%, with an even higher effect in high crime cities. Results are robust to inclusion of a large set of controls, to propensity score matching, to outliers, and to correction possible spillover effects from adopting to non-adopting cities.