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THE GENESIS OF THE FEBRUARY 1994 VOTES IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT FOR CONSENTING MALE HOMOSEXUAL ACTS WAS AN EARLIER PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE AND WAS SUPPORTED BY THE GOVERNMENT ON A THREE-LINE WHIP. HOWEVER, IT CAUSED OUTRAGE AND DEBATE BOTH WITHIN PARLIAMENT AND OUTSIDE. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE COUNTER-PRODUCTIVE NATURE OF PRIVATE MEMBERS' BILLS, THE TACTICS USED, THE LESSONS LEARNED, AND WHAT TO EXPECT IN THE FUTURE. IT NOTES THAT IT SEEMS LIKELY THAT HOMOSEXUAL INEQUALITY WILL CEASE TO BE AN ISSUE SOMETIME DURING THE NEXT CENTURY.

SINCE THE END OF THE COLD WAR, SEVERAL IMPORTANT STEPS HAVE BEEN TAKEN TO RECONFIGURE THE NUCLEAR FORCES DEPLOYED IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE FORMER SOVIET UNION. THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TO ASSESS THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF FOUR OPTIONS, AND TO DETERMINE WHAT THE LONG-TERM GOAL--OR--END OF THE NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL PROCESS SHOULD BE. IT ARGUES THAT, WHILE ALL FOUR OF THESE PROPOSALS INVOLVE DRAWBACKS AND RISKS, THE BEST COURSE OF ACTION FOR POLICY-MAKERS IN WASHINGTON AND MOSCOW WOULD BE TO MOVE TOWARD ADOPTION OF MINIMUM DETERRENCE STRATGIES AND DEPLOYMENT OF NUCLEAR ARSENALS CONSISTING OF 200-500--WEAPONS. THE STUDY BEGINS WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE NUCLEAR WEAPONS HAVE PLAYED AND CAN BE EXPECTED TO PLAY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. IT THEN PROCEEDS WITH A DISCUSSION OF BASIC OBJECTIVES IN THE ARMS CONTROL ENTERPRISE.

BROWN, REPLIES TO THE DEBATE OVER THE B-2 BOMBER DISPUTES WHETHER THE B-2 SATISFIES MILITARY REQUIREMENTS THAT CANNOT BE MET WITH OTHER FIGHTER AIR CRAFT. HE ARGUES THAT THE B-2 FORCE WILL BE VULNERABLE TO SOVIET SURPRISE ATTACK AND THAT THE COST OF BUILDING FEWER B-2 BOMBERS WILL BE PROHIBITIVE.

THE AUTHOR REVIEWS THE ANOMALIES OF THE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTMENT TO CAMBODIAN RESISTANCE, INCLUDING: THAT IT IS MORE AGGRESSIVE THAN THAT PROPOSED BY THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH, THAT THE STAUNCHEST ELEMENT OF THE RESISTANCE IS NOTORIOUS FOR ITS MURDEROUS REGIME, THAT THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY HAS BEEN A MAJOR PROP IN ITS CASE AGAINST VIETNAM PRESENCE IN CAMBODIA, THAT TIME IS RELIED ON AS AN ALLY, AND THAT THERE IS A A DISREGARD OF COST EFFECTIVENESS.

This paper explores the relationships between an individual's attitudes toward innovation adoption, his or her social category with respect to adoption, and innovation-adoption behavior. First the paper describes how attitudes and social categories can theoretically be linked to innovation adoption, and proposes a comprehensive model in which the two sets of variables are viewed as explaining both unique and common variance in adoption behavior. The paper then empirically examines the intercorrelations of attitudes, social categories, and innovation adoption in a real-world situation: The diffusion of five agricultural innovations in a portion of Appalachian Ohio. The results indicate that some attitudes are significantly related to social categories, whereas others are not; both sets of variables are highly associated with innovation adoption, but attitudes more so than social categories; finally, each set of variables explains some unique aspects of innovation adoption. Thus the findings suggest that comprehensive behavioral models must include psychological as well as socioeconomic and locational variables.

Within the context of regional integration, comparative regionalism, organizational change, and regional security literatures, this book investigates three cases wherein regional economic organizations were confronted with conventional security threats: the 1978-91 Association of Southeast Asian Nations-Vietnam Standoff, the 1990 Economic Community of West Africa-Liberian Civil War Challenge, and the 1990-91 European Communities-Balkans Crisis. While the literature suggests multiple possible explanations for regional economic organizations' response to these security challenges, including systemic and power-related factors, organizational factors and functional needs, and cognitive and social factors, the author argues that the decision to transform a regional economic organization into a conventional security actor is most influenced by decision makers' perceptions of threat and functional necessity.

Within the context of regional integration, comparative regionalism, organizational change, and regional security literatures, this book investigates three cases wherein regional economic organizations were confronted with conventional security threats: the 1978-91 Association of Southeast Asian Nations-Vietnam Standoff, the 1990 Economic Community of West Africa-Liberian Civil War Challenge, and the 1990-91 European Communities-Balkans Crisis. While the literature suggests multiple possible explanations for regional economic organizations' response to these security challenges, including systemic and power-related factors, organizational factors and functional needs, and cognitive and social factors, the author argues that the decision to transform a regional economic organization into a conventional security actor is most influenced by decision makers' perceptions of threat and functional necessity. M. Leann Brown is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Florida, USA.

Stagnation -- Intentions and disconnections -- The road to congestion -- Networks, complexity, models and measures -- Quantifying vehicle and pedestrian access -- Space and property: public and private -- Historic and prehistoric origins of American urban space -- History of a regime shift: two centuries of American moral design -- Structures, powers, mechanisms and tendencies

"This book, newly available in paperback, argues for greater openness in the ways we approach human rights and international rights promotion, and in so doing brings some new understanding to old debates. Starting with the realities of abuse rather than the liberal architecture of rights, it casts human rights as a language for probing the political dimensions of suffering. Seen in this context, the predominant Western models of rights generate a substantial but also problematic and not always emancipatory array of practices. These models are far from answering the questions about the nature of political community that are raised by the systemic infliction of suffering. Rather than a simple message from 'us' to 'them', then, rights promotion is a long and difficult conversation about the relationship between political organisations and suffering. Three case studies are explored - the Tiananmen Square massacre, East Timor's violent modern history and the circumstances of indigenous Australians. The purpose of these discussions is not to elaborate on a new theory of rights, but to work towards rights practices that are more responsive to the spectrum of injury that we inflict and endure. The book is a valuable and innovative contribution to rights debates for students of international politics, political theory, and conflict resolution, as well as for those engaged in the pursuit of human rights"--Publisher's description

How we approach knowing conflict and security makes a difference. This article first considers how reification, instrumental subject/object relations and the drive for certainty and control undermine effective knowledge and practice in questions of conflict and peace. It then turns to what the spatial turn and notions of emplaced security might offer to working against violence. As with any theoretical perspective, the spatial turn can itself be reified, repeating epistemological relations entrenched in much security analysis. The spatial turn and emplaced security explicitly highlight alternative, more relational knowledge practices, however. A relational epistemology approaches knowledge not only as information about a subject out there, but also as a form of practice with others which changes conditions of possibility for co-existence. If pursued, such approaches could help loosen the grip of narrow constructions of security, insecurity, the person, power and agency which dominate security analysis and obstruct understanding and the generation of alternatives in situations of entrenched conflict. An orientation to place could not only enable more nuanced accounts of peace and conflict, but support mutual recognition and exchange across division, assisting an ethic of attention and concrete peace and conflict resolution efforts.