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AbstractThis study uses the interstate political conflict in 2010 to study the impacts of oppositional sentiment on product sales of Japanese‐brand automobiles in China. By using the nationwide automobile registration data in China, we conduct difference‐in‐differences analysis and find direct evidence on Chinese consumers' boycott of Japanese‐brand autos. It is individual buyers rather than business or government entity buyers that boycotted Japanese cars significantly. War memory, nationalist education, and protests contributed to the intensity of boycott activities, and the boycott effect was long‐lasting. Older‐generation buyers boycotted Japanese cars more significantly, but younger‐generation buyers living in cities with historical war experience or patriotic education bases boycotted Japanese cars more actively than their counterparts in other cities.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine how relative abusive supervision (i.e. team member's perceived abusive supervision as compared with the team mean) influences team member's job attitudes through the mediating role of relative leader–member exchange. This study also explores the cross-level moderating roles of team-level abusive supervision and team-level leader–member exchange (LMX) in the process.Design/methodology/approachThis study used two-wave data from 1,479 employees in 145 work teams, and tested a cross-level moderated mediation model using multilevel structural equation modeling.FindingsResults demonstrate that the negative indirect effects of relative abusive supervision on job satisfaction and team affective commitment through relative LMX are stronger when team-level abusive supervision is low rather than high.Originality/valueIntegrating LMX theory with a relative deprivation perspective, this study conceptualizes and operationalizes relative abusive supervision, develops an individual-within-group model of abusive supervision's consequences in teams and demonstrates a cross-level moderating effect of team-level abusive supervision in buffering relative abusive supervision's negative consequences.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to reveal the identification-based mechanisms through which servant leadership affects desired outcomes (organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) toward coworkers and turnover intention) in the service industry in China.Design/methodology/approach– The data of 293 pairs of valid subordinate-supervisor dyads were collected from the hospitality industry in China with a time lag of 30 days to reduce common method bias. Hypotheses were tested by a bootstrapping method and rival model comparisons.Findings– The authors demonstrate that both the subordinate's identification with the supervisor and identification with the organization play crucial roles in translating servant leadership's effects to subordinate's coworker-oriented OCBs and turnover intention. However, the occurrence of the two identifications seems to be not parallel but in sequence (i.e. pointing from identification with the supervisor to identification with the organization). In addition, results show that servant leadership's ability to reduce subordinate's fear of being close to the immediate supervisor is an equally significant route through which subordinate's identification with the organization can be established.Originality/value– The research has extended the literature and provided a nuanced explanation of the identification processes underlying servant leadership. The differentiation between relational identification with supervisor and collective identification with organization has shed light on a socialization mechanism through which subordinates come to demonstrate other-oriented service behavior and choose not to leave the organization. Additionally, the way that servant leadership helps eliminate subordinate's fear in a supervisory relationship has proved to be in-negligible in enhancing organizational identification.

Based on the China General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2010, this article investigates the impact of hukou status on urban residents' public consciousness and public participation. Public consciousness includes the self-reported ability regarding political participation, the self-reported confidence in evaluating the government's activity, the anticipation of the effectiveness of public participation, and the individual attitude indicating public consciousness, while public participation includes voting for neighborhood committee members, voting for property owner committee members, participating in public activities in the local community, and being involved in group events. We find that non-local hukou status has some negative effects on migrants' public consciousness, and the effects are not significantly weakened by increases in migrants' income or education levels. Migrants are more passive in public participation, mainly because of the institutional constraints. However, concerning involvement in group events or attitudes toward unfair treatment from the government, migrants are not that different from local citizens. That is to say, if no institutionalized mechanism effectively responds to migrants' reasonable appeals, migrants might fight for their rights by engaging in public activities, such as group events, which may lead to social instability. We also find that urban residents with higher education levels or more income have stronger public consciousness, although their public participation is not necessarily more frequent.