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Differences in political culture have been observed at the cross-national and subnational levels, and political culture corresponds with a wide array of important social and political phenomena. However, possible psychological correlates of political culture are less clear. Building on research in personality psychology and cross-cultural psychology, this study contemplates whether aggregate personality measures compiled in the American states correspond with patterns in political culture. Using measures of personality traits provided by more than 600,000 survey respondents, parallels with state-level measures of citizen ideology, political culture, and civic culture are examined. Possible mechanisms linking personality and political culture are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Differences in political culture have been observed at the cross-national and subnational levels, and political culture corresponds with a wide array of important social and political phenomena. However, possible psychological correlates of political culture are less clear. Building on research in personality psychology and cross-cultural psychology, this study contemplates whether aggregate personality measures compiled in the American states correspond with patterns in political culture. Using measures of personality traits provided by more than 600,000 survey respondents, parallels with state-level measures of citizen ideology, political culture, and civic culture are examined. Possible mechanisms linking personality and political culture are discussed.

AbstractPolitical corruption poses a serious threat to the stability of developing democracies by eroding the links between citizens and governments. Using data on national levels of corruption (Transparency International 1997 CPI index) and individual opinion (1995-97 World Values Survey), this study finds that Latin Americans are quite aware of the seriousness of corruption in their countries. The ensuing question is whether citizens can connect their views about corruption to appraisals of their authorities and institutions and of democracy more generally. Collectively, the findings suggest that they can, and that the necessary ingredients for accountability are present in Latin America. The possible dark side of mass opinion on corruption is that pervasive misconduct may poison public sentiment toward democratic politics. On this score, the analysis found that this attitude affected only support for specific administrations and institutions.

Objectives. This article examines the impact of "don't know" responses on cross‐national measures of knowledge regarding science and the environment. Specifically, we explore cross‐national variance in aggregate knowledge levels and the gender gap in knowledge in each of 20 nations to determine whether response‐set effects contribute to observed variance.Methods. Analyses focus on a 12‐item true‐false knowledge battery asked as part of a 1993 International Social Survey Program environmental survey. Whereas most research on knowledge codes incorrect and "don't know" responses identically, we differentiate these response forms and develop procedures to identify and account for systematic differences in the tendency to guess.Results. Substantial cross‐national variance in guessing rates is identified, variance that contributes markedly to variance in observed "knowledge" levels. Also, men are found to guess at higher rates than women, a tendency that exaggerates the magnitude of the observed gender gap in knowledge.Conclusions. Recent research has suggested that "don't know" responses pose threats to the validity of inferences derived from measures of political knowledge in the United States. Our results indicate that a similar risk exists with cross‐national measures of knowledge of science and the environment. It follows that considerable caution must be exercised when comparing data drawn from different nations and cultures.

Objectives. This article examines the impact of "don't know" responses on cross-national measures of knowledge regarding science & the environment. Specifically, we explore cross-national variance in aggregate knowledge levels & the gender gap in knowledge in each of 20 nations to determine whether response-set effects contribute to observed variance. Methods. Analyses focus on a 12-item true-false knowledge battery asked as part of a 1993 International Social Survey Program environmental survey. Whereas most research on knowledge codes incorrect & "don't know" responses identically, we differentiate these response forms & develop procedures to identify & account for systematic differences in the tendency to guess. Results. Substantial cross-national variance in guessing rates is identified, variance that contributes markedly to variance in observed "knowledge" levels. Also, men are found to guess at higher rates than women, a tendency that exaggerates the magnitude of the observed gender gap in knowledge. Conclusions. Recent research has suggested that "don't know" responses pose threats to the validity of inferences derived from measures of political knowledge in the United States. Our results indicate that a similar risk exists with cross-national measures of knowledge of science & the environment. It follows that considerable caution must be exercised when comparing data drawn from different nations & cultures. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

Objectives. This article examines the impact of "don't know" responses on cross-national measures of knowledge regarding science and the environment. Specifically, we explore cross-national variance in aggregate knowledge levels and the gender gap in knowledge in each of 20 nations to determine whether response-set effects contribute to observed variance. Methods. Analyses focus on a 12-item true-false knowledge battery asked as part of a 1993 International Social Survey Program environmental survey. Whereas most research on knowledge codes incorrect and "don't know" responses identically, we differentiate these response forms and develop procedures to identify and account for systematic differences in the tendency to guess. Results. Substantial cross-national variance in guessing rates is identified, variance that contributes markedly to variance in observed "knowledge" levels. Also, men are found to guess at higher rates than women, a tendency that exaggerates the magnitude of the observed gender gap in knowledge. Conclusions. Recent research has suggested that "don't know" responses pose threats to the validity of inferences derived from measures of political knowledge in the United States. Our results indicate that a similar risk exists with cross-national measures of knowledge of science and the environment. It follows that considerable caution must be exercised when comparing data drawn from different nations and cultures. (Original abstract)