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Conventional wisdom holds that high levels of system support serve as an attitudinal barrier to democratic breakdown. In unconsolidated democracies, however, where democratic norms are regularly violated, the authors hypothesize that a healthy dose of political skepticism toward the political system, neither extreme rejection nor uncritical support of the system, would be associated with greater attitudinal resistance to breakdown in the form of a military coup. Using survey data from Peru, the authors confirm this expectation, showing that the relationship between system support and approval of military coups follows a V-curve pattern. This research fails to find support for the contention that a greater involvement in associational life or a greater degree of interpersonal trust predispose people to reject coups. The authors found other factors, such as rejection of the use of direct tactics for political purposes, support for the incumbent, and age, that are better predictors of coup support and rejection.

Why did whites in South Africa come to support the dismantling of the apartheid system that gave them a monopoly of political power? We use a reformulated version of symbolic politics to address this puzzle, showing that white attitudes toward political change were primarily driven by symbolic predispositions regarding race, ideology, party, and specific leaders, as well as various sorts of threat perceptions. Strong attachments to the National Party and de Klerk, low perceptions of threat, more tolerant racial attitudes, and more socially and politically liberal values increased the likelihood of whites supporting policies consistent with the ending of apartheid. We also find that assessments of the economy, both personal and national, have no influence on this attitude. We use South Africa's Human Sciences Research Council data collected during the crucial 1991–1992 period.

This article shows that while the impact of crime victimization on support for democracy is sensitive to question wording, the influence of fear of crime on this attitude is consistent and immune to measurement effects. We construe this as evidence that fear of crime has greater attitudinal consequences for democratic support than crime victimization. We show that fear of crime is affected by actual individual and contextual levels of crime victimization as well as evaluations of regime performance. Finally, and consistent with the affective intelligence literature, we find that crime fails to activate people's surveillance systems in countries that exhibit very low levels of it (typically, where less than 10% of respondents report to have been victims of crime). It is only in countries that have significant crime victimization where fear of it becomes a factor affecting support for democracy. ; This article shows that while the impact of crime victimization on support for democracy is sensitive to question wording, the influence of fear of crime on this attitude is consistent and immune to measurement effects. We construe this as evidence that fear of crime has greater attitudinal consequences for democratic support than crime victimization. We show that fear of crime is affected by actual individual and contextual levels of crime victimization as well as evaluations of regime performance. Finally, and consistent with the affective intelligence literature, we find that crime fails to activate people's surveillance systems in countries that exhibit very low levels of it (typically, where less than 10% of respondents report to have been victims of crime). It is only in countries that have significant crime victimization where fear of it becomes a factor affecting support for democracy.

Largely due to the theoretical weight given to the role of economic crisis, the existing literature on presidential approval in Peru offers a variety of competing explanations about the factors that account for presidential support. These competing explanations share one bond: they emphasize the absence of traditional economic voting. We argue here that the diversity of interpretations and empirical findings stem from the high degree of volatility experienced by economic indicators, and the failure of existing research to account for the time-dependent variance of presidential popularity. We analyze the impact of economic performance and key political events on the determination of presidential approval in Peru for the period 1985-2008 using an Exponential Generalized Autoregressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (EGARCH) model. Our findings suggest that the effects of economic conditions on presidential approval ap-proximate more traditional economic voting postures than previously thought. To the extent that crisis-ridden economic conditions in Peru have helped to theorize the alleged departures from traditional economic voting, the country is an ideal case to revisit standing propositions in the literature, particularly in a moment when those crisis-ridden economic conditions have disappeared. (GIGA)

"El presente estudio es parte de un programa de investigaciones que el Proyecto de Opinión Pública de América Latina (LAPOP) viene llevando a cabo desde hace más de dos décadas. LAPOP es un consorcio de instituciones académicas y de investigación en las Américas, con sede central en Vanderbilt University, en Estados Unidos. En el proyecto LAPOP participan más de 30 instituciones de toda la región, cuyos esfuerzos tienen el propósito de producir estudios científicos, objetivos e independientes de opinión pública. Dichas investigaciones se enfocan principalmente en la medición de actitudes y comportamientos políticos relacionados con la democracia y la calidad de vida."–Contracarátula.

"El presente estudio es parte de un programa de investigaciones que el Proyecto de Opinión Pública de América Latina (LAPOP) viene llevando a cabo desde hace más de dos décadas. LAPOP es un consorcio de instituciones académicas y de investigación en las Américas, con sede central en Vanderbilt University, en Estados Unidos. En el proyecto LAPOP participan más de 30 instituciones de toda la región, cuyos esfuerzos tienen el propósito de producir estudios científicos, objetivos e independientes de opinión pública. Dichas investigaciones se enfocan principalmente en la medición de actitudes y comportamientos políticos relacionados con la democracia y la calidad de vida."–Contracarátula.

Compilación de trabajos originales de politólogos de las nuevas generaciones sobre la política en el Perú, visto desde la óptica de las ideas políticas que prevalecen actualmente, y enmarcado en los diferentes sectores en los cuales ellos suelen trabajar, tales como, regímenes políticos, cultura política, movimientos sociales e indígenas, industrias extractivas, representación, protestas, etc