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The situation in Hong Kong today is not dissimilar to the moral predicaments that Central and Eastern Europe had endured during the Communist era. Then, as now, state oppression and intimidation aim not only at generating a pervasive sense of learned helplessness in society but also incentivising political opportunism. This paper begins with a thorough examination of the relevance of the open society against the background of the regime's all-out attacks on the pro-democracy opposition and the civil society in the name national security following unprecedented protests in 2019. Civil society organisations are in retreat under the pressure of autocratic rule, but the normative appeal of the open society as a custodian for the city's distinctive values and identity is expected to grow against the backdrop of the moral and institutional decay of the official, 'Orwellian', realm. It then seeks to explain why the barriers against norm entrepreneurship – individual and collective actions resisting moral decline and decay – are not insurmountable as they first appeared. Three decades after the end of Communism in Europe, the moral commitment to the open society serves as rallying point against the rise of illiberal democracies or electoral authoritarianism. In any case, autocrats are not invincible and there is nothing inevitable about the authoritarian backlash.

AbstractIn Hong Kong as elsewhere, there have been calls for an active and inclusive notion of citizenship to empower people affected by mental illness service users (hereinafter users) in addition to conventional altruistic or non-discrimination principles in policy initiatives. In this paper we take a somewhat different perspective to consider how the users may contribute individually and collectively to empower themselves, and how political participation might help to re-assert the status and practice of citizenship. It shows that participation matters in the formation of citizenship for the users. We further assume that political participation is attributable to individual resources, motivations for getting involved and the presence of advocacy agencies to facilitate participation. We then proceed to analyse the level of political participation by the users and the general public based on data from two comparable surveys. We argue that voter empowerment is the most essential factor in bringing about a stronger sense of citizenship among the users. The findings will be discussed in the light of the practice of citizenship and the implications for public policy development.

AbstractIn Hong Kong as elsewhere, the European Union (EU) is known more for its collective economic and trade powers than its political clout. Since autumn 2005, the Office of the European Commission in Hong Kong and Macao has steadily stepped up its efforts to disseminate information about the EU. It has also begun to reach out to the local community, while retaining its traditional ties with the elite circles. This study examines the image of the EU according to public opinion in order to identify areas where improvements can be made. By and large, we have found that the image of the EU is rather positive, and the significance of the EU widely recognised. Still, the EU has yet to acquire adequate means of advancing its own values, while systematic collaborations with strategic partners in the non-governmental sectors could be further strengthened to promote the EU's visibility as a global actor that is also relevant to Hong Kong. Moreover, the normative-cum-civilian approach continues to matter in three ways: in the formulation of the EU's policy towards Hong Kong, in promoting the EU as a responsible global actor while EU–China relations develop, and in promoting lesson-learning and sharing of values.

In challenging the notion that Polish parties completely failed to contribute to the consolidation of the country's new democracy, this Research Note develops a line of analysis synthesizing historically created structures and legacies, aspects of social and political change, institutional developments and contingent choices. The author contends that, a decidedly inauspicious environment notwithstanding, Polish party leaders have indeed developed strategies which have contributed to consolidation of the democratic system as a whole. The evidence suggests that in order to identify the exact mechanisms of party and party system formation one must go beyond the conventional historical and sociological explanations. This study calls for a new research agenda for the comparative study of party politics in the region.

In challenging the notion that Polish parties completely failed to contribute to the consolidation of the country's new democracy, an analysis is conducted synthesizing historically created structures & legacies, aspects of social & political change, institutional developments, & contingent choices. The author contends that, a decidedly inauspicious environment notwithstanding, Polish party leaders have developed strategies that have contributed to consolidation of the democratic system as a whole. The evidence suggests that to identify the exact mechanisms of party & party system formation, one must go beyond the conventional historical & sociological explanations. This study calls for a new research agenda for the comparative study of party politics in the region. 1 Table, 42 References. [Copyright 2001 Sage Publications Ltd.]