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This article reviews recent survey-based research on citizens' trust in government, focusing particularly on the United States. It addresses the long-term decline in trust and potential causes for this decline, with an emphasis on the effects of partisanship, polarization, performance, process, and media priming. While dispositions can anchor trust levels, the dominant research findings show that the sources of variation and change in trust are political, if multifaceted, in nature. We discuss new versions of standard measures, call for a renewed look at the distinction between trust in authorities and trust in the regime, review ongoing work on how and why trust matters, and recommend broadening the foci of mistrust to include antiestablishment sentiments and attacks on electoral integrity. How trust intervenes between perceptions of political processes and compliance with authoritative commands is a critical domain for additional research. We conclude with a caveat against confidence that the decline in trust can be quickly or easily reversed.

An introduction to this Special Issue of CJPP focused on some of the issues central to democracy in California.

This article uses a survey experiment embedded in the 2008 CCES national sample to assess how the public responds to immigrant-rights protests and to determine whether symbolic representations of national identity can serve to "prime" attitudes about immigrants and immigration policy. Based on social identity theory, the common in-group identity model, we expect responses to protesters waving American flags as a display of loyalty should be less hostile than responses to protesters waving Mexican flags. Our experiment demonstrates evidence in favor of this proposition but shows no impact of how protesters were framed on immigration policy preferences. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

This article uses a survey experiment embedded in the 2008 CCES national sample to assess how the public responds to immigrant-rights protests and to determine whether symbolic representations of national identity can serve to "prime" attitudes about immigrants and immigration policy. Based on social identity theory, the common in-group identity model, we expect responses to protesters waving American flags as a display of loyalty should be less hostile than responses to protesters waving Mexican flags. Our experiment demonstrates evidence in favor of this proposition but shows no impact of how protesters were framed on immigration policy preferences.

This article analyzes survey data that establishes a connection between how ordinary citizens conceive of American identity and their preferences for immigration policy. The distinction between ethnocultural and liberal images of America matters for public preferences about how many and what kind of immigrants should enter the United States.

This article analyzes survey data that establishes a connection between how ordinary citizens conceive of American identity and their preferences for immigration policy. The distinction between ethnocultural and liberal images of America matters for public preferences about how many and what kind of immigrants should enter the United States. Adapted from the source document.

Both Europe and the United States are confronting the challenges of economic and cultural integration posed by immigration. This article uses the ESS and CID surveys to compare transatlantic public opinion about immigrants and immigration. We find more tolerance for cultural diversity in the United States, but we also find that Americans, like Europeans, tend to overestimate the number of immigrants in their countries and tend to favor lower levels of immigration. The underpinnings of individual attitudes are similar in all countries and immigration attitudes are surprisingly unrelated to country-level differences in GDP, unemployment and the number and composition of the foreign born. An implication of these findings is that acceptance of higher levels of immigration, deemed by many to be an economic need, will require both more selective immigration policies and an emphasis on the cultural assimilation of newcomers.

This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002–03 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. 'Symbolic' predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration.

This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002-03 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. 'Symbolic' predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)