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Canada is the fourth industrial power, the fourth naval power, and the fourth air power in the free world. These facts are new, the result of the war. Taken with Canada's membership in the British Commonwealth, her close association with her friendly American neighbour, and her geographical relationship to the Soviet Union, they give her world-wide interests, major responsibilities, and definite opportunities. Canada's resources, geographical position, and dependence on world trade give her a stake in the peace of the world as great as that of any nation.But whatever may be the position or interests of any nation today, it is clear that the making of peace, the keeping of peace, and, to a lesser degree, the formation and conduct of the numerous functional organizations necessary to conduct business between nations, depend on the attitude of the three major military powers among the United Nations.What Canada's place will be in post-war international organization depends partly on the nature of the organization and partly on the recognition by our Canadian people of Canada's position and interests. To tell what that place is likely to be we must first try to see what the post-war organization may or should be like, and then estimate where Canada's opinion will stand.

Between 1867 and 1934 over 136 constitutional cases have faced the Privy Council with the task of saying what the Canadian constitution means. Despite those cases, or because of them, it is still quite certain that unless legislation falls clearly within one of the specific heads of s. 91 or s. 92 of the B.N.A. Act, it is virtually impossible to guess where legislative authority over any question will finally be found to reside. In practice this depends not only on the Act and the cases but in part on the way the issue is raised and presented and in part on each judge's personal inclination towards federal or provincial authority. The further circumstances that the form of the proposed reform legislation has not been finally settled at the time of writing increases the difficulty of even describing fairly the constitutional issues raised by the government's social legislation which is the subject of this paper. It is like guessing what attitude the Privy Council in England will take to a series of constitutional earthquakes that have not yet happened.In all this uncertainty one thing at least appeared to be certain. This was that everything proposed in Mr. Bennett's policy of social reform was beyond the powers of the Dominion. Out of all those who considered the question before the current session of Parliament, only four authorities seem to have thought it possible that the Dominion might have jurisdiction. The situation was recognized by Mr. Bennett last August when he wrote to the provinces indicating his intention to call a Conference to discuss, among other matters, the question: "Are the provinces prepared to surrender their exclusive jurisdiction over legislation dealing with such social problems as old-age pensions, unemployment and social insurance, hours and conditions for work, minimum wages, etc., to the Dominion Parliament? If so, on what terms and conditions?" But the provinces' cool response to this letter led to the proposed Conference being abandoned, and in January Mr. Bennett in five radio speeches broadcast the policy of reform. In introducing the Employment and Social Insurance Act on January 29, 1935, Mr. Bennett set under way the coach and four he was starting to drive through current conceptions of the constitution, if not through the constitution itself. It might almost seem that his reading of the speeches of the Fathers of Confederation led him into the error of thinking that the constitution was what they intended it to be.

Spanning a number of academic areas, "Knights of the Front: Medieval History's Influence on Great War Propaganda" focuses on the emergence of medieval imagery in the First World War propaganda. Examining several specific uses of medieval symbolism in propaganda posters from both Central and Allied powers, the article provides insight into the narrative of war, both politically and culturally constructed. The paper begins with an overview of the psychology behind visual persuasion and the history behind Europe's cultural affinity for "chivalry," then continues into specific case studies of period propaganda posters that hold not only themes of military glory and prowess, but also themes of race, gender, and religion as well. Finally, the article makes the argument that the realities of the First World War shattered the chivalrous and romantic ideals of war so completely that the concepts and images were no longer appropriate for use as propaganda.

Spanning a number of academic areas, "Knights of the Front: Medieval History's Influence on Great War Propaganda" focuses on the emergence of medieval imagery in the First World War propaganda. Examining several specific uses of medieval symbolism in propaganda posters from both Central and Allied powers, the article provides insight into the narrative of war, both politically and culturally constructed. The paper begins with an overview of the psychology behind visual persuasion and the history behind Europe's cultural affinity for "chivalry," then continues into specific case studies of period propaganda posters that hold not only themes of military glory and prowess, but also themes of race, gender, and religion as well. Finally, the article makes the argument that the realities of the First World War shattered the chivalrous and romantic ideals of war so completely that the concepts and images were no longer appropriate for use as propaganda.

Two separate studies were conducted to compare college students' perceptions of the parental behavior of stepfathers and biological fathers. After reading a brief vignette, the students were asked to rate the parental behavior of an adult, identified as either a stepfather or father and depicted either spanking a child (Study 1) or behaving affectionately toward a child (Study 2). The results of Study 1 indicated a less positive perception of stepfathers carrying out a disciplinary role than of fathers. Stepfathers were perceived as being less affectionate, fair, kind, loving, and likable in this situation, and their disciplinary behavior was seen as less justified and excusable. The results of Study 2, however, indicated that stepfathers were generally not perceived less positively than fathers, although their expressions of affection (e.g., hugging and kissing) were seen as more likely to make their stepchildren feel uncomfortable. These results suggest that stepfathers are not always seen less positively than fathers irrespective of their behavior.