Suchergebnisse

The US — Jordan relations, both during and after the Cold War, can be described as close, based on the pursuit of common goals and mutual respect. Although the United States of America and the Kingdom of Jordan have never concluded a formal treaty with each other, they cooperated on many levels, in the Middle‑Eastern region and internationally, both during the second half of the 20th century and in the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the complex geopolitical situation in the Middle East, re‑occurring threats and challenges that may have weakened the bilateral relations between the two states, the informal alliance between the US and Jordan have survived, which is indicative of the importance of these relations and the strength of the partnership. The place and role of Amman in the foreign policy of Washington have many aspects and dimensions. One can observe certain evolution of the position that consecutive American governments attributed to Jordan depending on conditions that have been both extra‑regional (the Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union) and intra‑regional (the three Gulf Wars, the Middle‑Eastern peace process). It is also important to emphasize that after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the mutual relations have gained a different, more strategic dimension. Hence, it can be argued that Jordan's importance in the US foreign policy has only reached its pinnacle during the post‑Cold War era. The present article seeks to pinpoint the place and role of the Kingdom of Jordan in the US policy towards the Middle East after the Cold War and to define the character of the relationship between the two states. Its main goal is to identify and describe both positive and negative factors determining the US — Jordan relations. The article will also attempt to answer the questions about the extent to which the Arab Spring has influenced the shape of the mutual links between Washington and Amman.

Under the administration of Barack Obama, the Russo‑American relations took the form of a pragmatic partnership. The politycy of "reset" in the relations between Washington and Moscow, initiated in 2009, has delivered tangible benefits, such as the START III treaty, Russia's modifying its stance on the Iranian nuclear programme in line with that of the U.S., the co‑operation in Afghanistan or U.S. military transit through Russian territory. Despite the recent improvement, the relations between Russia and the U.S. are not free from problematic issues and many disagreements remain unresolved. Nevertheless, althougt Russian and American interests often diverge, the need for concerted efforts between the two powers is apparent in order to tackle key international problems. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the new priorities of the Obama administration in the Russo‑Americal relations and, in this context, to discuss the importance and implications of these priorities for Poland's national security. Having long strived for recognition as the U.S. key ally in Central Europe, Poland's importance for the U.S. foreign policy has diminished under the Obama administration. For Washington's point of view, the relations between Poland and the U.S. are not critical for the Americal interests in Europe. Poland remains an important partner of the U.S., but only one of many. It is the diplomatic relations with Moscow that the current Democratis administration considers as crucial, with Poland fitting into the broad diplomatic framework created around such relations.

<p>Narastająca radykalizacja islamska wśród muzułmanów z obszaru Bałkanów może stanowić poważne wyzwanie dla bezpieczeństwa państw UE i stabilności regionu. Radykalizacja była implikacją trzech zjawisk. Pierwszym było powstanie IS, którego szeregi zasilili przede wszystkim muzułmanie z Bośni i Kosowa. Drugim był kryzys uchodźczo-migracyjny wzmacniany napływem muzułmańskich uchodźców również z Bałkanów do Europy Zachodniej. Trzecim była infiltracja Arabii Saudyjskiej szerząca z powodzeniem radykalną wahabicką wersję islamu wśród mieszkańców regionu.</p>

Assuming that the third decade of the 21st century is a transition period between the fourth and fifth waves of terrorism, in accordance with D.C. Rapoport's concept of cyclicity of terrorism, the article focuses on the evolution of modern terrorism. The main features of the four waves of terrorism identified so far are presented sequentially. Then, reasons for initiating the decline of the fourth wave are identified and the perspectives for the constitution of the fifth wave of terrorism are explored. In the first section of the article, referring to the definition of terrorism and based on D.C. Rapoport's concept of waves of modern terrorism, we demonstrate the determining factors, characteristics and elements which constitute this phenomenon. In the subsequent sections, we seek answers to the following questions: What are the characteristic features of the previous four waves of terrorism? What factors are leading to the decline of the fourth wave of terrorism? Which characteristics of the fourth wave of terrorism may be taken over by the next wave? What are the concepts of the fifth wave of modern terrorism? Research methods and techniques appropriate for the field of social sciences, particularly political science, are used in the study.

Within the article activity of media broadcasters during the migration crisis of 2015 has been analysed – the crisis whose peak coincided with the period of political campaign preceding the parliamentary elections in Poland. In this context, strong emphasis on issues related to the migration crisis, which had become one of the leading themes of the parliamentary campaign, could have been expected in Polish press market, especially taking into consideration strong political affiliations of weekly opinion magazines existing in the said market at the time. In the presented article, 207 issues of the following opinion weeklies have been analysed: "Newsweek", "Polityka", "wSieci" and "Do Rzeczy", in order to determine the media importance of migration-related themes and of the level of political parallelism of the studied media (political/axiological or party profiling of media releases). The study used the content analysis method with reference to the concept of framing.