Suchergebnisse

This research analyses the effect of Europeanisation on sovereignty in the post-Yugoslav states by examining the evolution of the different states' policies related to extradition of their own nationals. Extradition is an important aspect of these countries' political transformation, because the rule of law and regional co-operation are enshrined in the set of conditions these countries have to meet to enter the European Union (EU). The research thus looks at how the different post-Yugoslav states approach the extradition of their own nationals, and whether they have altered them in view of the requirements of the accession process. By doing so, this paper looks at the dynamics between the duty of the state to protect its citizens and the transformative power of Europeanisation in the Western Balkans.

The two decades of Montenegro's transition that followed the disintegration of Yugoslavia were marked by the transformation of the ambitions of the ruling political elites, which pushed the republic that once sought to be a member in a federal state towards independence. The shift in the agendas of the political elites also changed the meaning of the notions of "Montenegrin" and "Serb". Hence, this paper looks at the cleavages that emerged during Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity. It asserts that elite competition in unconsolidated states prompts the emergence of ethno-cultural cleavages, which are necessary for establishing the identities of political elites and of their followers. The study first identifies the critical junctures for the emergence of functional and structural cleavages in Montenegro and associates these cleavages with the changing political context. It proceeds with an analysis of ethno-cultural cleavages, arguing that these emerged from the politicization of historical narratives. The study concludes by arguing that different types of cleavages supported the division over statehood and identity, and that as a result of the changes in identity in Montenegro, the political reinforcement of overlapping cleavages was essential in order to cement the ethno-cultural identities of the two camps.

Published online: 11 Mar 2013. ; The two decades of Montenegro's transition that followed the disintegration of Yugoslavia were marked by the transformation of the ambitions of the ruling political elites, which pushed the republic that once sought to be a member in a federal state towards independence. The shift in the agendas of the political elites also changed the meaning of the notions of "Montenegrin" and "Serb". Hence, this paper looks at the cleavages that emerged during Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity. It asserts that elite competition in unconsolidated states prompts the emergence of ethno-cultural cleavages, which are necessary for establishing the identities of political elites and of their followers. The study first identifies the critical junctures for the emergence of functional and structural cleavages in Montenegro and associates these cleavages with the changing political context. It proceeds with an analysis of ethno-cultural cleavages, arguing that these emerged from the politicization of historical narratives. The study concludes by arguing that different types of cleavages supported the division over statehood and identity, and that as a result of the changes in identity in Montenegro, the political reinforcement of overlapping cleavages was essential in order to cement the ethno-cultural identities of the two camps.

The aim of this paper is to look at economic aspects of citizenship and compare states offering naturalisation to investors. By analysing different investor citizenship programs, the paper highlights the normative tension between those states that seek to maximize their economic utility and grant citizenship to investors by waiving all other naturalisation requirements, and those that uphold genuine ties with the polity as the core of citizenship by retaining them. The paper is developed as a two-level analysis of investor citizenship, starting from a global overview of facilitated access to citizenship, which is a common, yet seldom used discretionary tool of the governments. In the context of the global comparison, the paper highlights the distinction between the facilitated naturalisation for investors in countries that offer residence in the first instance (e.g., the UK, the U.S., Canada, Belgium, Australia, Singapore), and those that waive other regular naturalisation criteria (e.g., Commonwealth of Dominica and St. Christopher and Nevis). Following the global overview, the paper offers a more in-depth comparison of European countries that offer citizenship by investment while dropping other requirements, such as residence, language and knowledge of the country for these applicants. ; Research for the EUDO Citizenship Observatory working papers series has been jointly supported by the European Commission grant agreement JLS/2007/IP/CA/009 and by the British Academy Research Project CITMODES (both projects co-directed by the EUI and the University of Edinburgh).

This paper maintains that although the citizenship regime of Montenegro was generated amidst domestic political competition, it has also been significantly affected by regional and international political forces. Applying Bellamy's (Bellamy, R., 2004) concept of the lineages of citizenship to the case of Montenegro, this study explains how citizenship polices were used to manage the fragile political milieu within this weak and unconsolidated post-Yugoslav state. Further explanations for the restrictiveness of Montenegro's citizenship regime are based on the legacies of the different Yugoslav 'citizenship constellations'. Yet as a consequence of the country's aspirations to join the European Union, the rigid citizenship regime of Montenegro remains permeable to international norms and influence. However, this ostensible normative elasticity does not make Montenegrin citizenship more liberal, as barriers for naturalisation remain high.

First published online/Release Date 28-01-2013 ; This paper examines the relationship between citizenship, participation, cultural and socio-economic rights of minorities in Montenegro by focusing on the divergence between policies and their implementation. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, it combines insights from law with ones from social and political studies. The paper is divided into three sequential analytical sections. The first section focuses on the definition of minorities in Montenegro, examining the relation between the status of minority and citizenship. The second section relates the previously analyzed concepts of citizenship and minority to representation and participation. It seeks to examine electoral legislation within the framework of 'authentic representation' of minorities, enshrined in the 2007 Constitution of Montenegro. The final section assesses minority access to cultural (group) and socio-economic (individual) rights. The section brings forward the argument that, despite the existing legal guarantees, many of these rights are too complex to realize in practice, particularly those related to language and education in one's own language.

Published online: 07 Feb 2017 ; Ever since it became independent in 2006, Montenegro has steadily progressed in its ambition to accede to the European Union. Even so, a new form of populism, dominated by neither a far-right nor a far-left discourse, but controlled by leading political elites in the country's government has developed in Montenegro. This form of populism is not a mechanism of ensuring the dominance of the Democratic Party of Socialists (Demokratska Partija Socijalista Crne Gore, DPS) in Montenegro per se. Instead it is used as a tool to support and enhance other mechanisms that the party utilizes in order to stay in power and remain the dominant force in the country. Hence, we can observe the growth of a new kind of populism, a state-sponsored populist discourse that is very different from populism as understood in Western Europe. What we find in Montenegro is a government that uses populist language and messages to support a clientelistic state system.

Intro -- ABBREVIATIONS -- TABLES -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- Introduction -- 1. The Right to be Elected as a Basic Human Right -- 1.1. Political Participation -- 1.2. Active and Passive Suffrage -- 1.3. Conceptual Development of the Right tobe Elected -- 1.4. Guarantee of the Right to be Elected in International and Regional Human Rights Law -- 1.5. Guarantee of the Right to be Elected in Comparative Constitutional Law -- 1.6. Limitations of the Right to be Elected -- 2. Protection of the Right to be Elected in the European Convention on Human Rights-Case Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 2.1. The Protection of the Right to be Elected in Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 2.2. The European Court of Human Rights' Evaluation of the Cases concerning the Discrimination in Enjoyment of the Right to be Elected in Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 2.3. The Impact of the European Court of Human Rights Decisions Concerning the Right to be Elected in Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 2.3.1. The Impacts of the European Court of Human Rights Decisions to the EU-Membership Process -- 3. Protection of the Right to be Elected in the Americas and Africa -- 3.1. Inter-American Court of Human Rights Case Law -- 3.2. African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights Case Law -- Concluding Remarks -- Bibliography.