Suchergebnisse

The World Social Forum (WSF) and European Social Forum (ESF) processes represent a new platform for experimenting with multilingual practices of "deliberative talk." Activists come together in meetings that take place at the regional level between these larger social forum events. The "European Social Forum Preparatory Assemblies" (EPA), for instance, allow activists in the ESF process to hold regular meetings in a multilingual format using simultaneous translation. I will explore how activists in such transnational meetings deal with the tension between time consuming, multilingual discussion processes and efficiency. Comparing meetings of European and South African groups within the umbrella of the ESF and WSF processes, I found the "politics of language" to be a very fragile aspect of the practice of deliberative discussion. However, some groups have developed innovative tactics or have made creative use of cognitive resources to tackle the challenge of linguistic exclusion. Adapted from the source document.

Ausgehend von der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion um die Rolle von Sprache für das mögliche Entstehen von europäischer Öffentlichkeit steht im Zentrum des Artikels die Frage, ob und wie ein multilingualer Kontext das mögliche Entstehen von transnationaler Kommunikation innerhalb der europäischen Sozialforen positiv oder negativ beeinflusst. Als theoretische Grundlage für die Untersuchung von europäischer Öffentlichkeit im transnationalen Kontext der Sozialforen wählt die Autorin das Konzept der Deliberation, das mit Hilfe der beiden Indikatoren inhaltliche Deliberation und offener Zugang operationalisiert wird. In der empirischen Fallstudie wird Deliberation innerhalb der Vorbereitungsversammlungen europäischer Sozialforen durch drei verschiedene Methoden (Fragebogen, Interviews und Diskursanalyse) untersucht. Dabei zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass es für das Entstehen einer deliberativen Öffentlichkeit nicht so sehr auf das Vorhandensein einer von allen gesprochenen Sprache ankommt. Vielmehr muss danach gefragt werden, welche strukturellen Ungleichgewichte bereits auf nationalstaatlicher Ebene deliberative Prozesse blockieren und damit das Entstehen von transnationaler Kommunikation verhindern und wie es möglich ist, mehr Menschen die Teilnahme an Initiativen "von unten", wie z. B. den Sozialforen, zu eröffnen. (ICA2)

This article is based on a case study of online media practices of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers, the biggest far-right Facebook group in the Czech political context in 2018. We show how the group used visual storytelling to translate the narratives of the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which has become one of the most dominant narratives in European and US far-right discourses over recent years. The conspiracy theory was introduced in the book Le Grande Replacement by Renaud Camus in 2011 and claims that powerful Jewish elites use their financial resources to promote 'Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual + (LGBTQIA+) and gender ideologies' and multiculturalism to destroy the white race, which will eventually die out. Based on theories of translation and visual storytelling, we demonstrate how the main tropes of its anti-Semitic narrative were diffused through the use of images stigmatising LGBTQIA+ people and other minorities in online communications of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers.

In this article, we deliver an empirical analysis of far-right visualisations of womanhood on US Telegram channels. Previous studies show that the far right, which increasingly engages in misogynist, anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rhetoric, and opposition to feminism, is marked by the growing involvement of women in the roles of political leaders. Such engagement by women within the far right causes an 'image problem', as it makes the traditional gender image of wifely submission less convincing. Our analysis of images of womanhood shared on US far-right Telegram channels shows how far-right images of 'approved' performances of womanhood include transgressive gender performances of hegemonic femininity that are in conflict with conservative representations of womanhood in traditional nationalist ideology. Our findings also show how hateful images of liberal, non-binary and minority women serve as a tool for the construction of a variety of 'approved' far-right identity images of hegemonic femininity.

The recent cycle of social struggles against precarity in Italy has been characterized by an extensive use of images representing precarious workers. This contribution explores this in the case of the Euro Mayday Parade (EMP) protest campaign. The subversion of existing popular culture traditions was the main objective of the activists' newly created icons such as San Precario, Serpica Naro and other visual tools. The visual work on gender in the EMP seemed to fill a gap between theoretical work on the feminization of affective and immaterial labour and the less predominant presence of gender. Visual icons seem to have been at least as successful as text messages in publicizing the precarity discourse and their production deserves further attention.

This article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors (social movements, trade unions and NGOs) based outside Europe. First, we analyse the external image of Europe and the EU through the content analysis of meaning attributed to the EU and EU politics on the homepages of non-EU NGOs, trade unions and social movements within the global justice movements. Secondly, we study the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum 'from below' for 'another' Europe. The European Union seen from outside is an ambivalent powerful political community with both a hegemonic but also a socially transformative and democratic aspiration. While internal EU organizations and groups claim the internal democratization of Europe, activists based outside the EU see it as an important external ally for the implementation of human rights and democratization (or gender equality), though they are very critical on materialistic issues, such as trade relationships.