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Maudemarie Clark is a leading interpreter of Nietzsche's theory of truth, and as such we are fortunate to have her papers on his ethics, politics and metaphysics collected in one volume. Opening her section on politics – the subject of this review – with a critique of Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind, she condemns Bloom's Straussian demand that philosophers lie about the fact that no truth exists to protect their way of life as a recurrence of the nihilist ascetic ideal Nietzsche rejected at the end of the Genealogy. In doing so, she definitively frees Nietzsche from Strauss' grip, and opens up the possibility of questioning anew Nietzsche's relationship to feminism, queer theory, democracy and community. Her most striking claim is that Nietzsche's aristocratic ethics can be reconciled with modern democratic politics. Whether that is the case or not is up for debate, but what clearly isn't, as this collection reminds us, is that we cannot do our thinking about politics without him.

What explains conspiracy thinking in Europe and America? This is the first and largest comparative study of conspiracy thinking to date, presenting findings using a representative sample of 11,523 respondents in nine countries. First, it shows that the overall level of conspiracy thinking in Europe is equal to or slightly lower than the United States, contradicting the notion that conspiracy theories is an especially American phenomenon. Second, people more inclined to conspiracy thinking position themselves towards the right of the political spectrum, engage in magical thinking, feel distrust towards public officials and reject the political system. Finally, we find that – surprisingly – the country context in which respondents reside has hardly any effect as predictor of levels of conspiracy thinking or as a moderator of individual-level determinants. Heterogeneity in conspiratorial thinking seems to be largely a function of individual traits.

What explains conspiracy thinking in Europe and America? This is the first and largest comparative study of conspiracy thinking to date, presenting findings using a representative sample of 11,523 respondents in nine countries. First, it shows that the overall level of conspiracy thinking in Europe is equal to or slightly lower than the United States, contradicting the notion that conspiracy theories is an especially American phenomenon. Second, people more inclined to conspiracy thinking position themselves towards the right of the political spectrum, engage in magical thinking, feel distrust towards public officials and reject the political system. Finally, we find that – surprisingly – the country context in which respondents reside has hardly any effect as predictor of levels of conspiracy thinking or as a moderator of individual-level determinants. Heterogeneity in conspiratorial thinking seems to be largely a function of individual traits.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- Introduction The Incorruptible and the Tyrant -- Chapter 1 The Man of the Revolution of the Rights of Man -- Chapter 2 I, the People -- Chapter 3 From the Authority of Principles to the Struggle for Power -- Chapter 4 Governing the Revolution: The Rule and the Exception -- Chapter 5 Governing the Revolution: The Undiscoverable Foundation -- Chapter 6 The Two Faces of the Revolution and Its Legacy -- Further Reading -- Index

"Robespierre is arguably the most controversial and contradictory figure of the French Revolution. He still inspires more passionate debate than any other protagonist of those dramatic and violent events of the late eighteenth century, and he still retains both unconditional admirers as well as fierce critics. The fervor of those who defend the "incorruptible" is met with revulsion of by those invoke the bloodthirsty "tyrant". Robespierre, in fact, is the embodiment of the two competing memories of the Revolution, much as 1789 and 1793 still symbolize the two opposing faces of this foundational event: the glorious accession of liberty, on the one hand, and the excesses which terminated in the Terror, on the other. Only Robespierre is the link between the two. He championed the rights of the people in the Assembly and then through his Montagnard Convention provided the guillotine. In this extended essay, eminent French historian Marcel Gauchet reflects upon the insight that the contradictions of Robespierre were simply the contradictions of the French Revolution itself, in no small part because Robespierre was in his way the purest incarnation of the Revolution. He was neither the defender of the rights of man only later corrupted by power, nor the tyrant who betrayed the principles of the Revolution. He was both: the figure most associated with the founding of modern French democracy was also the first tyrant of that democracy. Gauchet argues that in Robespierre the transition from opposition to government was the embodiment of the tragedy inherent in the Revolution, as its own prophetic ideals were impossible to implement. To understand Robespierre, then, is really to understand the tragedy of modern democracy, for which the descent into tyranny is a perpetual danger"--

AbstractPolls asking respondents about their beliefs in conspiracy theories have become increasingly commonplace. However, researchers have expressed concern about the willingness of respondents to divulge beliefs in conspiracy theories due to the stigmatization of those ideas. We use an experimental design similar to a list experiment to decipher the effect of social desirability bias on survey responses to eight conspiratorial statements. Our study includes 8290 respondents across seven countries, allowing for the examination of social desirability bias across various political and cultural contexts. While the proportion of individuals expressing belief in each statement varies across countries, we observe identical treatment effects: respondents systematically underreport conspiracy beliefs. These findings suggest that conspiracy beliefs may be more prominent than current estimates suggest.

Polls asking respondents about their beliefs in conspiracy theories have become increasingly commonplace. However, researchers have expressed concern about the willingness of respondents to divulge beliefs in conspiracy theories due to the stigmatization of those ideas. We use an experimental design similar to a list experiment to decipher the effect of social desirability bias on survey responses to eight conspiratorial statements. Our study includes 8290 respondents across seven countries, allowing for the examination of social desirability bias across various political and cultural contexts. While the proportion of individuals expressing belief in each statement varies across countries, we observe identical treatment effects: respondents systematically underreport conspiracy beliefs. These findings suggest that conspiracy beliefs may be more prominent than current estimates suggest.

Der Usborne Verlag hat sich in diesem Buch ein grosses Ziel gesetzt. Er will Kindern gleichzeitig informativ aber auch fröhlich illustriert Grundbegriffe der Politik näherbringen und untersucht in sechs Kapiteln tatsächlich ausnehmend ausführlich alle wichtigen Facetten der Macht. Dabei wird die Bedeutung politischen Wissens und Bewusstseins auf glaubwürdige und mitreissende Weise an Kinder vermittelt. Das Buch kann auch als Schullektüre bzw. Referatsquelle funktionieren. Besonders für gemeinsame Lektüre mit den Eltern erwägenswert, zumal auch Erwachsene hier viel lernen können. Das angegebene Alter neun passt für die kindgerechte visuelle Aufmachung des Buches durchaus, allerdings erscheint mir die inhaltliche Tiefe für Kinder dieses Alters ein wenig zu herausfordernd zu sein. Gerade Fragen wie "Wo stehst du?" (am Spektrum der verschiedenen Ideologien) wirken für dieses Alter m.E. etwas zu motiviert. Kostengünstige und empfehlenswerte Bestandserweiterung für Kindersachbuchabteilungen, auch in Schulbibliotheken. Ab 10