Sept pays du Sud sont régulièrement cités pour avoir mis en place une politique de population accompagnant le processus de transition démographique : le Bangladesh, le Mexique, la Tunisie, l'Éthiopie, le Kenya, le Malawi et le Rwanda. Comparer leurs politiques publiques permet à la fois de présenter leurs spécificités mais également de mettre en avant des bonnes pratiques partagées en matière de planification familiale
De 1970 à 2002, la dépression a augmenté en France notamment sous les effets conjugués de l'affaiblissement de l'intégration conjugale et des modifications des règles structurant l'intériorité de l'individu. L'augmentation des divers effectifs de personnes seules a cristallisé cette moindre intégration conjugale. La crise économique qui a suivi les Trente Glorieuses, les injonctions sociales à être un soi distinct et performant sont intervenues simultanément, modifiant la régulation du sujet. En mobilisant les données relatives à la dépression et au suicide, en conjuguant les approches micro et macro, il est possible d'évaluer les effets de la progression des diverses catégories de personnes seules sur la dépression et de mieux appréhender l'impact des tensions liées à la crise économique des années 1980. L'examen en termes de chocs et d'état ordinaire du veuvage ou du chômage débouche sur l'hypothèse d'un modèle d'adaptation aux tensions, substituant une nouvelle normalité à l'ancienne, plutôt que sur celui d'une progression continue.
Sept pays du Sud sont régulièrement cités pour avoir mis en place une politique de population accompagnant le processus de transition démographique : le Bangladesh, le Mexique, la Tunisie, l'Éthiopie, le Kenya, le Malawi et le Rwanda. Comparer leurs politiques publiques permet à la fois de présenter leurs spécificités mais également de mettre en avant des bonnes pratiques partagées en matière de planification familiale.
AbstractDisability is a crucial health and social concern in sub‐Saharan Africa, where a high prevalence of disabling diseases is compounded with insufficient care provision. There is a need for detailed analysis of the disability patterns. We provide a gender‐specific picture for the population in peripheral Ouagadougou (Burkina‐Faso), based on six disability dimensions following the United Nations' recommendations. We computed disability‐free life expectancy (LE) using the Health and Demographic Surveillance System (Ouaga HDSS) (n = 1 902). Women have a longer partial LE in the 20–79 age range (+3.3 years), half of this LE being spent with a disability, versus 31% of the LE for men. Limitations in mobility, cognition, and eyesight occur in midadulthood and result in a considerable disadvantage for women in the number of years with these limitations. These findings highlight disability patterns that are detrimental to social participation and claim for better screening and care, especially for women.
During the 1990s, the sex ratio at birth increased considerably and simultaneously in the three independent Caucasian countries, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. At the end of the first decade of the twenty‐first century, levels remain abnormally high in Armenia and Azerbaijan (above 114 male births per 100 female births) and show erratic trends in Georgia. Analyzing data from demographic surveys carried out around 2005, we confirm the persistence of high sex ratios in these three countries and document significant differences in fertility intentions and behavior according to the sex of the previous child or children that constitute evidence of the practice of sex‐selective abortion. These countries combine societal features and medical systems that make this phenomenon possible: son preference in a context of low fertility and the possibility of prenatal sex selection given easy access to ultrasound screening and induced abortion. Why high sex ratios are observed only in these three countries of the sub‐region remains, however, an open question.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Caucasian countries experienced remarkable migration flows, political conflicts, and deterioration of civil registration systems. The reassessment of Armenian and Georgian population after censuses carried out in the early 2000s enables to re-estimate recent mortality levels in both countries. Vital statistics since the 1980s are presented and discussed. Infant mortality is corrected according to sample surveys, and mortality above age 60 estimated through model life tables. On the basis of these estimates, trends in life expectancy were similar in the two countries, unfavourable during the 1990s, especially for males for whom the health progress, notably in Georgia, is still low.
Mortality due to external causes was measured over the period 1985–2004 in three rural areas of Senegal—Bandafassi, Niakhar and Mlomp – whose populations have been under continuous demographic surveillance for many years. The standardized annual rate of deaths due to external causes is 31 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants in Niakhar, 56 in Bandafassi and 102 in Mlomp. The causes of injury-related deaths generally reflect the rural living environment, with relatively few deaths due to road accidents (1.9 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants in Niakhar, 3.0 in Bandafassi and 2.0 in Mlomp), but many deaths due to falls (8.6 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants in Niakhar, 15.1 in Bandafassi and 23.3 in Mlomp). For certain causes, mortality varies considerably. Snake bites, for example, cause 0.1 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants in Niakhar, 13.4 in Bandafassi and 3.0 in Mlomp. The differences between sites are linked in this case to the relative concentrations of wildlife, in turn linked to differences in the local environment and in population densities (144 inhabitants per sq.km in Niakhar versus 19 in Bandafassi and 114 in Mlomp). Although the study areas are still largely unaffected by causes of death associated with development, such as traffic accidents, mortality due to external causes is high.
Le taux de suicide dans les prisons françaises a quintuplé en 50 ans alors qu'il a dans le même temps peu changé dans la population générale. Au vu de l'évolution du taux d'occupation des prisons, la surpopulation en milieu carcéral ne peut être l'unique raison de cette augmentation. La prison héberge des personnes psychologiquement vulnérables, sujettes au suicide, et en ce sens différentes du reste de la population. Les prévenus se suicident deux fois plus que les condamnés et la fréquence des suicides varie en fonction de la gravité de l'infraction commise. La France présente le taux de suicide carcéral le plus élevé de l'Europe des Quinze, avec des détenus qui se suicident 5 à 6 fois plus que les hommes âgés de 15 à 59 ans.
