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This article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post-Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post–Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles.

The author assesses the validity of Huntingtons arguments in light of the Cuban immigrant experience. According to his analysis no single Hispanic mode of adaptation exists, not even in a single immigrant group. This inconsistency can be traced to pre-migration standards, employment opportunities, government support, & the openness of established groups to welcome newcomers among them, rather than Huntingtons reasons for Hispanic adaptation or lack thereof. The author shows that immigrants can adapt to the American way of life while keeping their culture, which in turn adds some flavor to American society as a whole. Tables, References. E. Sanchez

Redemocratization across Latin America restored labor and political rights denied under the military governments in the 1960s through the 1980s. Increased subjugation to global market forces, less fettered by institutional barriers under neoliberalism than under import substitution has, however, weakened, de facto while not de jure, the ability of laborers to deploy their restored rights to improve conditions at work. The article describes how and explains why protests against perceived economic injustices under the circumstances have shifted in cities across the region from the point of production to the point of consumption, and within the arena of consumption from pro-active claims for affordable housing to defensive protests against state-backed increases in the cost of food and urban services and to solidarity movements in rich countries that threaten businesses that exploit Latin American workers with consumer boycotts.

Although some contemporary scholarship has contended that the generation of children of immigrants is characterized by high degrees of cultural assimilation, it is noted that other literature has demonstrated second-generation members' establishment of transnational ties with parents' countries-of-origin. After demonstrating that both camps have emphasized the role generational experiences play in second-generation members' relations to their parents' homelands, it is argued that a new understanding of generation is needed to resolve this paradox. Rather than continue to rely upon a biological conceptualization of "generation," it is asserted that an historical definition of the term is necessary to comprehend the extent of transnationalism among the children of pre-1965 immigrants. It is concluded that macroeconomic & political factors in sending & receiving nations are more likely to influence transnational ties than intragenerational relations. 4 References. J. W. Parker