In this article, the author analyses Ukraine's international policy and particularly its balancing between the East and the West from the moment of its declaration of independence in 1991 to the present day. He states that Ukraine's foreign policy fluctuates between Russian (eastern) and transatlantic (western) orientations. In the author's opinion, this difficult choice is determined by many factors, including historical, cultural, social, economic and international ones. Moreover, the author presents the position of Poland towards this still unsolved Ukrainian dilemma and towards Ukraine's accession to NATO and the European Union. The main thesis of this article is the author's conclusion that the imperial international policy of Russia under President Vladimir Putin and the passive stance of NATO, the European Union and the United States have exerted a particular influence on Ukraine's foreign policy and the position of Poland towards its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Being afraid of Russia, the West in a broad sense has come to terms with its aggressive policy towards Ukraine and has forgotten about Crimea. It cares about its economic cooperation with Russia more than about the security of Ukraine and Poland.
Advantages and disadvantages of membership in the European Union and the new challenges for Polish integration policy
The purpose of this article is an attempt to show from the perspective of the 12 years that have passed since Polish accession to the European Union, the pros and cons of our membership in this unprecedented European project, and the analysis of the importance of this fact for the Polish domestic and foreign policy. Furthermore, the article shows the current threats the Union is facing and against this background presents new challenges and tasks for the Polish integration policy. The main thesis of the article is the observation that the Polish accession to the EU has been and is still one of the most important events in recent Polish history and success of its international policy. She became almost a turning point in Polish domestic and foreign policy. Poland thanks to the accession to the EU has strengthened its position in Europe and in the world, but today we must develop a new strategy and to establish further tasks and goals for the Polish integration policy, which should be adequate for the rapidly changing international reality.
The purpose of the article is to show the essence and perspectives of the new international order that is emerging in the world, and which is referred to in the literature as the post-Cold War system. In other words, the article includes perspectives and visions of the world in the mid-21st century. In addition, the article is the analysis of the competition and opportunities for cooperation between the United States, China and Russia in the process of shaping the new international system in the world today. The author attempts to show the opportunities and threats for the new order that is emerging in the world, and answer many questions related to this process, including when it will rise and what its shape and character will be. Will it be a democratic and peaceful order, or an undemocratic order, based on rivalry and confrontation between its main subjects, and especially between the great powers, such as the United States, China and Russia?
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji "naprawy" UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro.
This article is devoted to Ukraine; its focus is to present geopolitical and geo-economic determinants of its foreign policy. They are the source of a dilemma for those who govern Ukraine and since 1991 have been looking for strategic directions of development and cooperation with both the East and the West. In practice, this amounts to balancing between Russia and the European Union, and the dilemma of whether to apply for accession to NATO and the EU or to strengthen cooperation with Russia has a significant impact on Ukraine's internal and foreign policy from the moment of regaining independence to the present day. This difficult choice is determined by many historical, cultural, social, economic and international factors. Moreover, in this article I present Poland's position on the Ukrainian dilemma and on Ukraine's accession to NATO and the European Union. I try to answer a few questions about this, such as which of these options is better for Ukraine, whether western or eastern, and which of them is better for Poland and its reasons for state. I would like to put forward a few theses and hypotheses here. Among other things, I would like to state that Ukraine should pursue a realistic policy, i.e. it should not succumb to illusions and should tread firmly on the ground. NATO and the EU membership should be a strategic objective of its foreign policy. To this end, Ukraine should also cooperate with Poland, which consistently supports the policy of NATO and EU enlargement to the East, and with the European Union and the United States.
Does Brexit Previously Revise the Lisbon Treaty and Rescue European Union?There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and in the history of the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU, but also in Europe, and will have an impact on their place and role in the new, emerging international order. Today it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more, difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe, and the whole world after Brexit. The purpose of this article is an attempt to answer a few questions, especially on the question contained in its title and to present the opportunities and threat for the European Union after Brexit. In addition, the author is trying to answer the question whether, at all, today, nine years after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, its revision is needed? Does the EU really need a new treaty? Currently, opinions on this subject are divided among researchers and experts. Many also are afraid that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the Union, that it will lead to the so‑called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that the Brexit may become an accelerator of the European Union's modernization process, which will, however, require the adoption of a new revision treaty.
This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU 'recovery' strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro. ; Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji "naprawy" UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro.
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji "naprawy" UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro. ; This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU 'recovery' strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro.
The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU but also in Germany and France. It will affect their place and role in the new international order that is currently being shaped. Today, however, it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe and the whole world after Brexit. Currently, the opinions of researchers and experts on this subject are divided. Many fear that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the EU and that it will lead to so-called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that Brexit, nolens volens, may accelerate the EU's modernisation process. This will require the adoption of a new revision treaty. This treaty will be developed under the dictation of Germany and France, which are the most influential countries in the EU.The purpose of this article is to answer a few questions, particularly what role Germany and France can and will play in the EU after Brexit. Will these countries again become the driving force in the process of European integration and the EU's modernisation, or will they remain passive and contribute to the break-up of the EU? Moreover, the author intends to show the opportunities and threats for the EU without the United Kingdom, which counterbalanced the influence of Germany and France in Europe.
Nie ulega wątpliwości, że zarówno Unia Europejska, jak i Chiny odgrywają dziś – obok Stanów Zjednoczonych – główne role na arenie międzynarodowej. We wzajemnych relacjach mają status partnerów strategicznych i starają się rozwijać współpracę we wszystkich dziedzinach, ale też występują między nimi różnice zdań i stanowisk w wielu istotnych sprawach. Na łamach niniejszego artykułu próbuję pokazać przesłanki, szanse i zagrożenia dla obu tych aktorów na arenie międzynarodowej oraz ich wzajemne relacje dziś i w przyszłości. Ponadto próbuję zweryfikować kontrowersyjną – moim zdaniem – hipotezę, lansowaną przez wielu badaczy, a która zakłada, że wiek XXI będzie wiekiem Azji, czyli de facto Chin. Na temat współczesnych Chin i ich roli na arenie międzynarodowej oraz stosunków z Unią Europejską ukazało się już dużo publikacji na całym świecie, ale wciąż nie wiemy dokąd tak naprawdę Chiny zmierzają i czy Unia Europejska nie rozpadnie się w XXI wieku? Istnieją też wątpliwości odnośnie chińskiego "zwrotu w kierunku multilateralizmu". Zdaniem niektórych badaczy, ma on całkowicie pozorny charakter i służy tylko do kamuflowania dalekosiężnych celów ChRL, czyli przejęcia przez nią kontroli nad światem w drugiej połowie XXI wieku.
The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia. ; The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
