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AbstractThe authors aim to reveal both the potentialities and limitations of recent attempts by Dworkin and Rawls (especially in the latter's work since the publication ofA Theory of Justice) to work out a constructivist conception of right to serve as the groundwork of a rights-based theory of justice. The constructivist conception of right is promising, the authors argue, because it points beyond both teleological naturalism and instrumentalism as conceptions of right. The authors, however, find Dworkin and Rawls's constructivism to be ultimately inadequate, and argue that their project would be furthered through consideration of the constructivist aspects of Rousseau's conception of right as articulated inThe Social Contract.

A methodology is introduced for accurately measuring the time it takes respondents (Rs) to answer questions in computer-assisted telephone interview (CATI) surveys. The methodology, which is completely invisible to Rs, comprises a computer "clock" capable of timing responses with millisecond accuracy, & a "voice-key" that converts sounds emitted by Rs into signals capable of triggering the computer clock. Response-times to a range of attitude questions, including stable & unstable attitudes, in the CATI survey (N = 246 completed interviews) were measured. The results reveal orderly norms in the latencies associated with various types of survey questions. The latencies associated with the expression of stable & unstable attitudes are discussed in the context of the notion of "nonattitudes" & shed new light on this controversial thesis. Overall, results demonstrate that response latencies can be measured precisely & reliably in CATI surveys & that the data from such measurement open new windows on the cognitive dynamics of survey responses. 2 Figures, 24 References. AA

An investigation of Canadians' attitudes toward affirmative action (N = 2,083 telephone survey respondents) identified opinions ranging from opposition to value pluralism to "nonattitudes," Philip Converse's term for general public ignorance of the details of an issue, registering as an almost random response to survey questions ("Attitudes and Non-Attitudes: Continuation of a Dialogue" in Tufte, Edward R., The Quantitative Analysis of Social Problems, Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley, 1970, 168-189). Neither Canadian citizens nor policymakers initially show strong support for affirmative action regardless of the beneficiary or context. However, persuasion & prompting for definite viewpoints tend to heighten awareness of the issue, transforming a nonattitude into a genuine attitude. 14 Tables, 1 Appendix, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract.Public opinion shifted markedly between 2006 and 2007 regarding Canadian military participation in Afghanistan. Multivariate analysis of survey data reveals that the interplay of cognitive and emotional responses fractured support and consolidated opposition to the mission. Subsequently, a major government communication strategy, aimed at bolstering support for the Afghan mission succeeded at an informational level but failed to connect at an emotional one, leaving overall support for the mission essentially unchanged. Our analysis points to the need for nuanced interpretation of shifts in public support for war as well as in assessing political marketing efforts by government.Résumé.L'opinion publique s'est nettement décalée entre 2006 et 2007 concernant la participation militaire canadienne en Afghanistan. L'analyse multi variée des données d'aperçu indique que l'effet des réponses cognitives et émotives a divisé l'appui et a consolidé l'opposition à la mission. D'ailleurs, une stratégie importante de communication du gouvernement, destinée à augmenter le soutien de la mission afghane a réussi à un niveau informationnel, mais ne s'est pas reliée au niveau émotif, laissant le soutien global de la mission essentiellement inchangé. Notre analyse indique le besoin d'une interprétation diversifiée et nuancée des variations de soutien public face à la guerre ainsi qu'une évaluation du marketing politique du gouvernement.